Much Ado About Nothing? Legal and Political Schooling for the Hungarian Government

After his infamous law against the Central European University, the EU Commission has announced a treaty infringement procedure against Hungary. That will probably be of limited help against the systemic threat to the rule of law in Viktor Orbán’s state. Politically more effective might be the pressure exerted by the European People’s Party.

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Vertrauenswürdigkeit und Rechtsstaatlichkeit: Was die Kritiker der EU nicht sehen (wollen)

Es gibt Probleme der Rechtsstaatlichkeit im europäischen Rechtsraum. Viele sprechen gar von einer Vertrauenskrise in die Europäische Union. Trägt Vertrauen als europapolitische und juristische Perspektive, und was sind die Implikationen?

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No Compromises on Reproductive Rights – Why Ireland Needs Constitutional Change

On April 22, the Irish Citizens Assembly has in an overwhelming majority confirmed the need for change in Irish abortion laws. According to the majority of members of the assembly, the 8th amendment of the Irish Constitution, that de facto imposes a constitutional ban on abortion in most scenarios, needs to be amended or replaced. What constitutional change is needed?

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Türkei-Referendum vor dem EGMR: Warum der Gang nach Straßburg diesmal wohl nicht helfen wird

Nachdem die türkische Wahlkommission den Antrag einiger Oppositionsparteien auf Annullierung des Verfassungsreferendums vom 16. April verworfen hat, erwägt die oppositionelle CHP Medienberichten zufolge den Gang nach Straßburg. Dem halten türkische Spitzenpolitiker entgegen, der EGMR sei hierfür nicht zuständig. Was ist hiervon zu halten?

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How Could the ECJ Escape from the Taricco Quagmire?

The Taricco saga shows how difficult has become the coexistence between the doctrines that have been developed so far by the ECJ on one side and the national Constitutional or Supreme Courts on the other side. The ECJ and the Constitutional Courts, in all their isolated splendour (or splendid isolation), preferred so far to follow parallel lines, whose meeting could only take place ad infinitum. However, if the parallelism collapses, the two lines are doomed to crash.

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Of course you can still turn back! On the revocability of the Article 50 notification and post-truth politics

The British Prime Minister Theresa May has announced yesterday the intention to call a ‘snap’ general election to be held on the 8th of June 2017. This announcement, which has caught literally everyone off-guard, makes some strategic sense if read together with another contention stressed by Prime Minister May: that there is no turning back from Brexit. Which is untrue, both from the legal and political point of view. To put it shortly, the PM is lying.

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‘Girls belong in school, and not in front of the altar’: Is the German Bill on child marriages violating international law?

As much as international law categorizes child marriage as harmful practice due to its potential wide ranging negative effects on education, health, increased risk of violence and sexually transmitted diseases, and poverty, the regulation of already existing marriages should not aim to be aligned with the age of marriage. Already existing child marriages have to be treated differently, as they already created a lived reality for the partners and cannot just be reversed, as this might end up in unwanted legal and practical consequences for the child. Therefore, with regards to already existing marriages, it is a misconception that the only possible way to end child marriage is to actually ‘end’ child marriage.

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Gibraltar and the "Brexit" – New Scenarios within a Historic Dispute. A Proposal.

The "Brexit" draws its consequences also on the legal status of Gibraltar within the EU. This leads to new perspectives on a historic dispute between British, Spanish and Gibraltan sovereignty interests. What could be the solution?

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Judicial Review of the EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy: Lessons from the Rosneft case

On 28 March 2017, the Grand Chamber of the EU Court of Justice (CJEU) decided in a preliminary ruling that the restrictive measures adopted by the Council against Russian undertakings, including oil company Rosneft, are valid. The judgment is of constitutional significance. It clarifies the scope of the CJEU’s jurisdiction with respect to acts adopted in the sphere of the EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). In particular, it reveals that the EU system of judicial protection fully applies in relation to restrictive measures against natural and legal persons (so-called ‘targeted sanctions’).

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Freiheit der (Auslands-)Wahl: Musste Deutschland der Türkei die Durchführung des Verfassungsreferendums gestatten?

Seit Montag dieser Woche sind rund 1,4 Millionen in Deutschland lebende türkische Staatsangehörige aufgerufen, in dem umstrittenen Verfassungsreferendum abzustimmen. Die Bundesregierung hatte die Durchführung der Wahl in Konsularvertretungen und eigens für das Referendum eingerichteten Wahllokalen mit dem expliziten Hinweis darauf erlaubt, dass Deutschland zu seinen demokratischen Grundsätzen stehe und sich die Entscheidung in eine Tradition früherer Genehmigungen türkischer Wahlen in Deutschland und dem europäischen Ausland eingliedere. Was bedeutet der Verweis auf die “demokratischen Grundsätze” und die “lange Kontinuität”, Wahlen auf deutschem Boden zu erlauben? Handelt es sich hierbei um rein politische Kulanz, um eine Tendenz, eine völkerrechtliche Praxis zu begründen, oder gar um eine völkerrechtliche Pflicht? Oder hatte im Gegenzug die Türkei die Pflicht, Deutschland um eine solche Genehmigung zu ersuchen? Und hätte eine Versagung der Genehmigung Konsequenzen jenseits einer erneuten Schlechtwetterphase in den deutsch-türkischen Beziehungen gehabt?

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