Der Bundesparteitag der AfD und die Pflicht der Parteien, Medienberichterstattung zuzulassen

Die AfD hat nach scharfer Kritik bei ihrem Bundesparteitag doch Journalisten zugelassen, ohne ihre politischen Präferenzen zu speichern. Die Frage bleibt aber, ob es das Grundgesetz einer politischen Partei erlaubt, die Akkreditierung von Journalisten von deren Bereitschaft abhängig zu machen, die Speicherung sensibler persönlicher Daten zu erlauben. Die Frage ist klar zu verneinen.

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Es lebe die Republik!

In einem politischen System, das sich aufgrund historischer Erfahrungen in besonderer Weise der Stabilität verschrieben hat, erzeugt das Scheitern der Jamaika-Sondierungen eine gewisse Unsicherheit. Wir suchen nach einem „Abteilungsleiter Befindlichkeit“, der uns einfach einmal mit der notwendigen Autorität von Person oder Amt sagt, wie es weitergehen soll. Im antipolitischen Affekt und in neomonarchischer Verklärung richten sich daher seit Tagen alle Augen auf einen: den Bundespräsidenten.

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Judicial “Reform” in Poland: The President’s Bills are as Unconstitutional as the Ones he Vetoed

Five months ago, the Polish President Duda vetoed the PiS laws on the judiciary as unconstitutional. Currently, the President and the PiS are negotiating about a solution to this conflict. But make no mistake: The Presidential vetoes have not triggered any new proposals which would be qualitatively better in terms of consistency with the Constitution than the initial PiS bills that he vetoed. Both the PiS and the President’s proposals are glaringly unconstitutional, though in different ways.

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A Constituent Assembly Only in Name? Part III on Venezuela’s Constituent Assembly

The constitutional assembly in Venezuela is a constituent assembly in name only: First, it does not seem to be a temporary body that aims at performing its tasks within a preassigned and limited time frame. Second, so far it appears as if it is not the Constituent Assembly´s primary goal to draft a new constitution. Rather, its actions and the conscious choice of the Federal Legislative Palace as a meeting place suggest that the aim of this “superpower” is to replace the opposing parliament and silence any dissent.

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A Constituent Assembly Only in Name? Part II on Venezuela’s Constituent Assembly

On the 1st of May 2017, Venezuela’s President Nicolás Maduro called for a constituent assembly invoking the articles 348, 70, 236 and 347 of the 1999 Constitution. This is in alignment with Maduro’s first line of argument that he acted according to the present constitution. However, there are many reasons to believe he is not.

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Warum eine Minderheitsregierung niemand wollen kann

Kommt es nach dem Scheitern der Jamaika-Verhandlungen zu einer Minderheitsregierung? Deren Befürworter erhoffen sich davon eine Renaissance des Parlamentarismus. Solche Vorstellungen sind aber, bei allem Respekt, romantischer Unfug und beruhen auf grundsätzlichen Fehlvorstellungen über das Regierungssystem im Allgemeinen und die heutige Verfassungslage im Besonderen.

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Japanische Unterhauswahl 2017: Gedanken über eine mögliche Verfassungsänderung

Die japanische Regierungspartei LDP unter Ministerpräsident Shinzo Abe hat seit der letzten Unterhauswahl eine verfassungsändernde Mehrheit. Die will sie nutzen, um in der anti-militaristischen Verfassung die Existenz der Selbstverteidigungskräfte zu verankern. Was steckt dahinter?

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A Constitution of Fear

A new brand of constitutionalism is on the rise in Poland, defined by a „constitution of fear”. Fear is the leitmotif of the constitution-making process defined by suspicion, exclusion, drive for retribution and settling the scores. As such it reflects the main tenets of populist constitutionalism: distrust in the institutions and rejection of the liberal status quo and culture of self-constraints.

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On Cockroaches and the Rule of Law

As I awoke one morning from uneasy dreams I found myself transformed in my bed into a gigantic insect. Like Gregor Samsa in Kafka’s Metamorphosis, I had mutated into an enormous and abominable cockroach with no prior warning. It just happened. As I woke up, I could feel how my new legs and antennae moved with sinuous speed. Then I knew what I really had become. I had muted into a Spanish fascist.

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Defamation of Justice – Propositions on how to evaluate public attacks against the Judiciary

Public debate is an essential element of a democratic society. While this debate should not spare the judiciary, public attacks against the judiciary of a critical intensity can be observed in several European countries. The most recent example originates from Poland, where, in September 2017, a campaign on bill boards and on the internet was launched in support of the controversial draft acts on judicial reform. The campaign portrays judges as a “privileged cast” and as being corrupt, criminal and incompetent. Having regard to these events, it should be borne in mind that attacks against the judiciary from members of the legislative and executive can pose real threats to judicial independence and the separation of powers. This post takes these considerations as the starting point for a general discussion on how to properly evaluate public criticism of the judiciary. We suggest a frame of reference which seeks to balance the right of free speech and the legitimate interest of the judiciary to not have its legitimacy and independence abridged by political actors. In this regard, we argue that the level of scrutiny must depend on where such criticism comes from.

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