Avoiding the Legacy of Impunity
This week for the second time in history the Irish Government has announced its intention to lodge an Inter-State application against the United Kingdom before the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg. The Irish government argues that the Northern Ireland Troubles (Reconciliation and Legacy) Act 2023 which was enacted in September 2023 and provides an extensive conditional amnesty is incompatible with the European Convention on Human Rights.
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Closure and Continuity
Trade, sovereignty, rights and freedoms, courts, and constitutional change are lenses through which we can examine how two politically, culturally, and linguistically inextricably linked common law countries have defined their diverging relationship with the EU. 50 years on the divergence is complete. The UK is now a third country, charting a future outside the EU, while Ireland remains one of 27 Member States reporting high levels of trust and support for the EU. Hence 50 years on we have both the desire for closure (for the UK) and continuity (for Ireland). In fact, we argue that closure and continuity are necessary for the relations between both states and their relationship with the EU now and in the next half century.
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Democracy, Sovereignty and Europe
Fifty years after Ireland and UK joined the EEC together in January 1973, the two states find themselves on radically different European trajectories. Both are common law countries with shared traditions of parliamentary governance and strong cultural links to the wider Anglosphere. However, in Ireland there is broad elite and popular support for maintaining alignment with the requirements of EU and ECHR law – while, in the UK, such European influences trigger a sharp allergic reaction. What explains this dramatic divergence? The answer perhaps lies partially in the differing ‘constitutional imaginaries’ of Ireland and the UK, and how EU and ECHR alignment is understood to impact on the exercise of popular sovereignty in both states.
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Integration as Disintegration
50 years after accession of Ireland and the UK to the EEC and seven years after the disastrous Brexit referendum, Ireland still sits pretty in the EU, but the UK and its Constitution have been called into possibly fatal doubt, especially as regards their integrative capacity, or continuing ability to bind distinct political classes and the nations of the Union to one another. Writing in early 2023, amidst the ruins of a Brexit reality, if not the end of the Brexit delusion, this short commentary foresees – possibly foolishly – a radical future of independent nations within a loose ‘Confederation of the Isles’, wherein Ireland might share some (symbolic) competences with Scotland, England and Wales, enabling a peaceful a prosperous coexistence within the North-western European archipelago.
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In Law as in Life?
On New Year’s Day in 2002, my late uncle, visiting us in Kerry at the time, walked to the local shop and came back with a pristine €5 note for everyone in the house. Spend it, keep it, do whatever you like with it; but this, he said, is history. Ireland adopting the euro as its currency marked one of the most significant divergent choices in the history of British and Irish membership of the European Union. The dense and complicated ties between the two states were otherwise reflected in so many ways across their EU membership profiles, from their coterminous application paths to shared exemptions from certain legal obligations.
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A Fond Embrace?
As with any relationship, significant anniversaries offer us an opportunity to take stock. Looking backwards allows us not only to appreciate how far we have come, but also, perhaps, to reflect on the direction in which we might be heading. To date, upwards of 2,200 judgments of the Irish courts have considered EU or Community law in some form. Against this context, this short contribution reflects on the reception of EU law in the Irish courts since 1973.
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Number Crunching EU Law and the Irish Legal Order
In this short piece, I will outline a few of the extremes of the Irish relationship with Europe that I have personally studied or encountered and its impact in my view. Many years ago, I wrote a dissertation on the relationship between EU law and the Irish legal order, on the unravelling dynamic since accession, focussing upon the preliminary reference data. I felt it was a deserving topic precisely because there was so little interest as to the relationship between EU law and Ireland. Ireland was uniformly always excluded from major US and EU political science studies that have been iconic in shaping views on EU integration.
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How EU Membership Transformed Ireland’s Socio-Legal Norms: The Case of Abortion
In 1973, Ireland joined what would become the European Union (EU) in the first ever enlargement of the project of European integration. To say that 50 years of EU membership have been transformative for Ireland is an understatement. By all benchmarks considered, Ireland is a radically different country today than it was when it joined the EU. Abortion provides the best example of this.
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Navigating Uncharted Waters?
This contribution will briefly assess Ireland’s participation in the Common European Asylum System (CEAS) after ‘Brexit’. It will first review the way in which the ‘opt-in/opt-out’ arrangements still apply to Ireland, before considering how Ireland’s position might have evolved after Brexit. In this respect, it will feature some recent cases of the CJEU. Although Ireland considers the UK to be a safe third country for refugees, it is likely that their respective asylum policies will diverge even further, owing to their now very different positions with respect to EU law and especially the CEAS.
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An Interactive Relationship
In reflections on fifty years of membership, the employment of women is often identified as a tangible example of how membership changed Ireland. Concretely, in the years immediately following accession, the state was required to enact legislation on equal pay and equal treatment for women and men in employment. This narrative tends to place emphasis on EU law as a cause of law reform in Ireland. 50 years on, both Irish and EU equality law have expanded significantly.
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Constitutional Identity, Ireland and the EU
Costello v. Government of Ireland and others is one of the most significant recent Irish Supreme Court rulings concerning EU law. The case involved a member of parliament seeking to restrain the Irish government from ratifying the 2014 EU-Canada Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) on grounds of alleged unconstitutionality. Costello’s most long-lasting impact is likely to be its introduction of the concept of constitutional identity into Irish constitutional jurisprudence.
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Post-Brexit Sovereignty
In thinking about sovereignty within the United Kingdom, it is helpful to separate out two ways in which sovereignty has historically been identified in both the United Kingdom and elsewhere. Sovereignty is, first, a power over others, most notably absolute and final authority over a territory. If this allows those holding it to achieve considerable things, it also generates apprehension as it allows them to do many things to others. Sovereignty is, secondly, a constitutive power.
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Integration and Disintegration
In our analysis below, we examine the convergent and divergent paths of Ireland and the UK on the theme of integration and disintegration in three stages. The first considers the constitutional context and framework within which each of the two countries chose to embark on the path of European integration by acceding to the EEC in the early 1970s. The second examines several key policy choices made by the two states along a continuum between integration and disintegration, as part of a more differentiated, post-Maastricht EU. The final stage examines the implications of Brexit for the UK and Ireland following Britain’s departure from the EU.
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50 Years On
In 1973 and on the third attempt, Ireland and the United Kingdom (UK) with Denmark acceded to the European Communities, while Norway opted not to join following a referendum. For Ireland and the UK, the half-century since has brought about remarkable social, economic, demographic, political, and legal changes in both states leading to the UK leaving the EU in 2020 and Ireland remaining a Member State. Given the shared anniversary and divergent responses to EU membership in the context of strong (if complex) ties between the two states and a shared common law tradition, a reflection on the 50th anniversary of their accession to what is now the European Union (EU) is timely.
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Allister and Peeples
The ruling in Allister and Peeples of 8 February 2023 serves as a potent reminder that the UK has yet to fully say goodbye to Brexit. The matter being scrutinised was the Northern Ireland Protocol and questions surrounding its constitutionality within the famously uncodified UK constitution. Critically, the UK Supreme Court appears to have poured cold water on the idea that certain Acts of the UK Parliament have a constitutional character (the constitutional statutes doctrine). It is my suggestion, however, that the doctrine has not entirely been consigned to history.
Continue reading >>Trojan Horses and Constitutional Identity
In Costello v Ireland the Irish Supreme Court upheld a constitutional challenge by a Green Party MP to the Government’s proposed ratification of the CETA. By a majority of 4:3, the Court held that ratification would breach Irish juridical sovereignty. Beyond CETA, the greater significance of Costello may lie in its endorsement of constitutional identity as a doctrinal device that controls Ireland’s domestic legal engagement with its international law obligations. The new status accorded to constitutional identity, however, may provide future Irish courts with the doctrinal tools to recalibrate the relationship between the Irish and EU legal orders.
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British Cavalier Attitude
On 17 May, the UK’s Foreign Secretary, Liz Truss, announced to the House of Commons that the Government would be introducing legislative proposals to supersede the Northern Ireland Protocol (NIP). This drastic measure is the culmination of strained negotiations between the UK and the EU to modify the NIP since summer 2021. Stepping outside of the framework of the Withdrawal Agreement to address the claimed problems, the UK challenges the Rule of Law in international relations.
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The Never-Ending Struggle Over (Northern) Ireland
Claiming the need to “protect the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement in all its dimensions”, the UK government threatens once again to adopt legislation unilaterally changing the Protocol Ireland/Northern Ireland. In legal terms, this would constitute a breach of the Withdrawal Agreement between the EU and the UK. But does the Good Friday Agreement indeed exclude divergence between Northern Ireland and Great Britain or even demand protecting trade from GB to Northern Ireland?
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Neutrality and the Irish Constitution
Ireland, like other neutral states, has witnessed intense debates in recent weeks over the future of its neutral status. Ireland is not a member of NATO and has maintained an ambiguous status of ‘neutrality’ since independence. However, neutrality as such is not a constitutional requirement, and insofar as it obtains at all, has more the character of a policy or tradition. Departures from that tradition – particularly the joining of NATO – would nonetheless likely encounter certain constitutional barriers. In particular, it seems likely that membership of NATO would require a constitutional referendum.
Continue reading >>Property, Proportionality, and Marginality
On 31 January 2022, the Irish Supreme Court delivered a landmark judgment that collapsed, at least in respect of remedies, a previously rigidly-drawn distinction between the private law rights and the public law obligations of housing authorities. The judgment breaks important new ground in emphasising the underprivileged and marginalised status of the Travelling community, and furthermore, in identifying that status as a factor that could weigh against the granting of an injunctive remedy.
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Datenschutzvollzug vor Zentralisierung
Die Europäische Datenschutzgrundverordnung (DSGVO) gilt noch keine vier Jahre, doch schon werden erste Forderungen nach mehr europäischer Zentralisierung der mitgliedstaatlichen Datenschutzaufsichtsbehörden laut, da Teile der nationalen Datenschutzaufsichtsbehörden nicht in der Lage sind, bei Verstößen gegen die DSGVO durch Technologiekonzerne in wichtigen grenzüberschreitenden Datenverarbeitungen einzuschreiten. Muss das System der Zuständigkeiten und Zusammenarbeit der mitgliedstaatlichen Aufsichtsbehörden bereits jetzt einer grundlegenden Revision unterzogen werden?
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A Tricky Move
The European Commission’s decision to commence legal proceedings against the United Kingdom for unilaterally extending certain grace periods for the movement of goods in contravention to the Northern Ireland Protocol is legally sound, but politically tricky. In legal terms, the decision to launch both infringement proceedings and take first steps towards arbitration is the most promising avenue towards UK compliance with the Protocol. Yet it brings with it a political risk of further escalating the tensions around the Protocol within Northern Ireland and between the EU and the UK.
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Pandemic Response as Accentuation of Existing Characteristics: Vague Requirements and Executive Dominance in Ireland
In Ireland, it is not constitutionally permissible to declare an emergency in response to COVID-19. The legal response, therefore, has been mounted within the normal constitutional framework. This has consisted of five primary statutes that (a) empower the Minister for Health to make regulations (secondary legislation) imposing restrictions to control the pandemic and (b) establish enforcement powers that the Minister for Health can attach to particular restrictions. By early March 2021, the Minister had made 74 sets of regulations imposing restrictions.
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An Irish Tale of Judicial Misconduct
On the evening of Monday, November 9th, Mr. Frank Clarke, Chief Justice of the Irish Supreme Court, published three letters, recounting correspondence between himself and Mr. Seamus Woulfe, another Supreme Court judge – of recent appointment – and former Attorney General of Ireland. That the Chief Justice should have seen fit to publish any correspondence between himself and another judge is singular. The content of the letters, however, is altogether peculiar.
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The Return of Power-Sharing in Northern Ireland
After three years power-sharing government has returned to Northern Ireland following extensive discussions and the recent publication of a document by the British and Irish governments. It is a lengthy text containing many proposals, plans and initiatives; the relative incoherence is evidence of the conflicting challenges faced. At the core of the dilemma is how to encourage the representatives of the two main communities in Northern Ireland (nationalist-unionist) to share power once again.
Continue reading >>Why Referendums in Ireland Work Better than in the UK
Former UK prime minister Gordon Brown has recommended the Irish innovation of the citizens’ assembly to inform and guide public opinion. Theresa May, too, included a glancing reference to the notion in her recent House of Commons speech. They are mistaken, though, if they believe that this formula has much to offer in the UK.
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Episode 5 of the Celmer Saga – The Irish High Court Holds Back
On 19 November 2018, Donnelly J gave her fifth judgment in the Celmer saga concluding that the real risk of a flagrant denial of justice has not been established by Mr Celmer and ordered that he be surrendered on foot of the European Arrest Warrants issued against him. Given that Donnelly J had initially found that there were ‘breaches of the common value of the rule of law’, this came as some surprise.
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Talk to me like Lawyers do – Celmer returns to the High Court of Ireland
The Celmer case is back before the High Court of Ireland, which gave a further judgment on 01 August 2018. The decision provides a first insight into the practical application of the CJEU's ruling, most notably its encouragement of executing judicial authorities to enter into dialogue.
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My Body, the Majority’s Choice? A Comparative Overview of Abortion Laws in Ireland and Argentina
Both Argentina and Ireland have tried to move forward in the fight for the decriminalization of abortion. In Argentina, even though the approval in the Chamber of Deputies represented a very important step, the Senate majority followed the religious standards and rejected the bill. In Ireland, the referendum resulted in a victory for women. The next step is to enact the new law and, of equal importance, to create all the practical conditions to implement the new rules.
Continue reading >>Facebook’s Efforts to Squash Scrutiny of the EU-US Privacy Shield
Currently, Facebook is before the Supreme Court in Ireland asking to curtail judicial powers that allow courts to refer questions on the EU-US Privacy Shield Agreement to the CJEU. This is part of an ongoing litigation of Max Schrems, who was still an Austrian law student at the start of the litigation, against the Irish Data Protection Commission (DPC) in the jurisdiction of Ireland where Facebook currently holds its EU headquarters for tax and company law purposes. The litigation has the capacity to change the face of the transatlantic relationship, not least now, at a critical juncture of fragility and uncertainty and represents an extraordinary step.
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Ireland’s 8th Amendment: Repeal or Retain?
2018 marks the 35th anniversary of the passage of Ireland’s ‘8th Amendment’ which effectively constitutionalises the exceptionally restrictive Irish law on abortion. It may also quite possibly mark its demise.
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First Thoughts on the UK General Election Result 2017
The Faustian pact by the UK Tory Party with the Northern Irish DUP will bring all the messy and ugly history of Northern Irish sectarianism back into mainstream of our politics. My recipe for the Tory party to save itself from the damnation of Faust is for it to remove Theresa May "with all deliberate speed" and replace her as leader with Ruth Davidson, the leader of the Scottish Conservative and Unionist Party.
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Limiting the Constitutional Space of Scotland and Northern Ireland
Scotland might soon be having a second independence referendum, and Ireland is pushing for Northern Ireland rejoining the EU after Brexit. Why does the noble idea of a differentiated Brexit, that could absorb some of the tensions created by UK’s future withdrawal from the EU, seem to lose traction even within the political elites of Scotland and Northern Ireland? One possible answer might be that the UK political and constitutional framework does not provide for a supportive environment. In fact, the judgment of the Supreme Court in Miller points to the limits of the UK political and constitutional order to accommodate the demands of the devolved nations.
Continue reading >>INIS Free? Towards a Scots-Irish Union
A post Brexit union of Ireland, Northern Ireland and Scotland would be one way of achieving what the majority of the electors of Northern Ireland and Scotland who voted in the Brexit referendum sought to achieve, namely to remain within the EU and retain their EU citizenship. Historically, there is considerable precedent for such a Scotch-Irish Union.
Continue reading >>Ehe für alle: Warum Mehrheitsentscheid auch bei Minderheitsrechten nichts Schlechtes sein muss
Die große Mehrheit der Iren hat bekanntlich letzte Woche dafür gestimmt, das verfassungsmäßige Recht zu heiraten für alle Geschlechterkonstellationen zu öffnen. Darüber freuen sich die allermeisten, aber ein gewisser Irritationspunkt bleibt doch: Kann es richtig sein, die Mehrheit über Minderheitenrechte abstimmen zu lassen?
Continue reading >>Irish Supreme Court Overturns Absolute Exclusionary Rule for Unconstitutionally Obtained Evidence
On Wednesday, the Irish Supreme Court ruled by a majority of 4-3 that evidence obtained in criminal cases in breach of constitutional principles need not necessarily be excluded at trial, overturning a 24 year-old precedent on foot of which all such evidence was automatically excluded. The case is notable on a number of levels: it has obvious implications for the conduct of criminal trials, and raises interesting issues around the retrospective application of declarations of unconstitutionality. It also possibly marks the beginning of a more assertive period for the Irish Supreme Court, following two decades of marked restraint.
Continue reading >>Torture, Human Rights and the Northern Ireland Conflict
At what point does harsh treatment of detainees amount to torture? With the US Senate report on CIA interrogation practices dominating all the headlines, this question is very much on our minds right now. That the European Court of Human Rights will have to consider this question, is a mere coincidence, though. The Irish Government has decided to reopen a decades old case from the darkest days of the Northern Ireland conflict (Ireland v United Kingdom). The case will raise once again the ugly spectre of the systematic abuse of prisoners in Northern Ireland. Moreover, the litigation has the potential to have far-reaching effects in the relationship between the European Court and the United Kingdom, and in the constitutional settlement within the United Kingdom itself.
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Ireland’s Senate: An Introduction
When the current Government proposed its abolition in a referendum in 2013, perhaps the most notable feature of the debate was the consensus on all sides that there is little, if any, justification for the retention of the Seanad in its current form. In a result that contradicted pre-referendum opinion polls, voters rejected the proposed abolition. Given the widespread agreement during the campaign about the inadequacy of the current institution, attention naturally turned to the question of how the Seanad might be reformed.
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Welche Schulaufsicht durch den Staat? Ein Beitrag aus Straßburg zur Staatshaftung durch Unterlassen
Ein Staat, der dem systematischen sexuellen Missbrauch von Kindern tatenlos zusieht, verletzt das Recht der Kinder, vor unmenschlicher Behandlung bewahrt zu werden - auch wenn ihr konkretes Einzelschicksal dem Staat zunächst gar nicht bekannt war. Dies hat heute der Europäische Gerichtshof für Menschenrechte (EGMR) in der lang erwarteten Rechtssache O’Keeffe ./. Irland entschieden. Die Große Kammer verurteilte Irland mit elf gegen sechs Stimmen, der Klägerin insgesamt 115.000 Euro Schadensersatz und Schmerzensgeld zu zahlen.
Continue reading >>Irlands Verfassungsexperiment: Testfall Homo-Ehe
Islands Verfassungsexperiment hat ja, wie berichtet, vorläufig ein klägliches Ende […]
Continue reading >>Zwangsbehandlung: Auf “Assisted Decision Making” kommt es an
Wie bringt man das Interesse psychisch Kranker, nicht gegen ihren […]
Continue reading >>Irland verankert Kinderrechte in der Verfassung
Was darf, was kann und was muss der Staat tun, […]
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Herr Pringle geht nach Luxemburg…
Auf mitgliedstaatlicher Ebene hat der Europäische Stabilitätsmechanismus (ESM) schon die […]
Continue reading >>Auch Irland will seine Bürger die Verfassung reformieren lassen
Letzten Sommer war ich in Island, um mir anzuschauen, wie […]
Continue reading >>Irland und der Fiskalpakt: Verfassungsrecht, das nicht Verfassungsrecht sein darf
Am Montag haben die EU-Regierungschefs ihren Fiskalpakt unter Dach und […]
Continue reading >>Finanzkrise und Gewaltenteilung
Irland, von der Finanzkrise böse gebeutelt, bereitet sich auf ein […]
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