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  <dc:identifier>http://dx.doi.org/10.17176/20220510-182359-0</dc:identifier>
  <dc:identifier>https://verfassungsblog.de/de-akpification/</dc:identifier>
  <dc:title>De-AKPification - How to Treat AKP-Operatives in a Post-AKP Turkey</dc:title>
  <dc:creator>Tecimer, Cem</dc:creator>
  <dc:language>eng</dc:language>
  <dc:date>2022-05-10</dc:date>
  <dc:type>electronic resource</dc:type>
  <dc:format>text/html</dc:format>
  <dc:subject>ddc:342</dc:subject>
  <dc:subject>AKP</dc:subject>
  <dc:subject>Constitutional restoration</dc:subject>
  <dc:subject>Erdogan</dc:subject>
  <dc:subject>Judiciary</dc:subject>
  <dc:publisher>Verfassungsblog</dc:publisher>
  <dc:relation>Verfassungsblog--2366-7044</dc:relation>
  <dc:rights>CC BY-SA 4.0</dc:rights>
  <dc:description>Opinion polls by Turkey’s reputable polling firms consistently indicate that the governing AKP and its de facto coalition partner, the far-right nationalist MHP, are losing their popularity and heading to a potential defeat in the upcoming presidential and parliamentary elections of 2023. As an anti-AKP victory, or at least the real possibility thereof, draws near day by day, a vital question arises: how should opposition forces treat AKP operatives in the judiciary and bureaucracy? Is it possible to “de-AKPify” ex- or soon-to-be-ex-AKP operatives?</dc:description>
</dc>
