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      <identifier>oai:verfassungsblog.de/19060</identifier>
      <datestamp>2016-03-13T09:26:43Z</datestamp>
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        <dc:identifier>http://dx.doi.org/10.17176/20160224-100536</dc:identifier>
        <dc:identifier>https://verfassungsblog.de/cultural-majorities-constitutional-essentials-and-cosmopolitan-citizenship/</dc:identifier>
        <dc:title>Cultural majorities, constitutional essentials, and cosmopolitan citizenship</dc:title>
        <dc:creator>Blokker, Paul</dc:creator>
        <dc:language>eng</dc:language>
        <dc:date>2016-02-24</dc:date>
        <dc:type>electronic resource</dc:type>
        <dc:format>text/html</dc:format>
        <dc:subject>ddc:342</dc:subject>
        <dc:subject>Cultural Rights</dc:subject>
        <dc:subject>Liberal Theory</dc:subject>
        <dc:subject>Majority</dc:subject>
        <dc:subject>Multicultural</dc:subject>
        <dc:publisher>Verfassungsblog</dc:publisher>
        <dc:relation>Verfassungsblog--2366-7044</dc:relation>
        <dc:rights>CC BY-NC-ND 4.0</dc:rights>
        <dc:description>Liav Orgad’s idea of a two-stage process of the regulation of immigration and access to citizenship in The Cultural Defense of Nations appears sensible and on first sight largely agreeable. But a more careful positioning of the argument regarding democratic theory and sociological understandings of nationalism brings out aspects that problematize some of its key assumptions and that reveal a risk of counter-productivity. In this, the argument might be less original than claimed and the specific version of a liberal theory of cultural defense less fit for socio-culturally complex democratic societies, in particular within the European context. I will briefly touch upon three dimensions that seem to me problematic: the notions of majority culture and cultural defense; the notion of constitutional identity as used in the book; and the problem of constitutional populism.</dc:description>
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