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      <datestamp>2017-09-29T15:59:58Z</datestamp>
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        <dc:identifier>http://dx.doi.org/10.17176/20170927-075116</dc:identifier>
        <dc:identifier>https://verfassungsblog.de/the-catalunya-conundrum-part-2-a-full-blown-constitutional-crisis-for-spain/</dc:identifier>
        <dc:title>The Catalunya Conundrum, Part 2: A Full-Blown Constitutional Crisis for Spain</dc:title>
        <dc:creator>Boix Palop, Andrés</dc:creator>
        <dc:language>eng</dc:language>
        <dc:date>2017-09-27</dc:date>
        <dc:type>electronic resource</dc:type>
        <dc:format>text/html</dc:format>
        <dc:subject>ddc:342</dc:subject>
        <dc:subject>Catalonia</dc:subject>
        <dc:subject>constitutional amendment</dc:subject>
        <dc:subject>Constitutional Reform</dc:subject>
        <dc:subject>Independence</dc:subject>
        <dc:publisher>Verfassungsblog</dc:publisher>
        <dc:relation>Verfassungsblog--2366-7044</dc:relation>
        <dc:rights>CC BY-NC-ND 4.0</dc:rights>
        <dc:description>In Part 1, we have explained the rigidity of the constitutional doctrine of our Constitutional Court on the matter of regional independence movements. There are some evident conclusions that swiftly appear – most of all that the only legal  way for a hypothetical majority of Catalan citizens to express their wish to secede or at least to consult with the population on the issue, would presuppose a constitutional reform. This is a tremendously complicated matter in itself, though.</dc:description>
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