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      <datestamp>2020-11-20T14:08:48Z</datestamp>
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        <dc:identifier>http://dx.doi.org/10.17176/20201119-200242-0</dc:identifier>
        <dc:identifier>https://verfassungsblog.de/so-it-goes-part-i/</dc:identifier>
        <dc:title>So It Goes – Part I</dc:title>
        <dc:creator>Halmai, Gábor</dc:creator>
        <dc:creator>Mészáros, Gábor</dc:creator>
        <dc:creator>Scheppele, Kim Lane</dc:creator>
        <dc:language>eng</dc:language>
        <dc:date>2020-11-19</dc:date>
        <dc:type>electronic resource</dc:type>
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        <dc:subject>ddc:342</dc:subject>
        <dc:subject>Coronavirus</dc:subject>
        <dc:subject>State of Emergency</dc:subject>
        <dc:subject>Viktor Orbán</dc:subject>
        <dc:publisher>Verfassungsblog</dc:publisher>
        <dc:relation>Verfassungsblog--2366-7044</dc:relation>
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        <dc:description>The Hungarian government is now so routinely using unconstitutional emergency powers to circumvent constitutional constraints that one must conclude that the government’s main aim is to govern outside the very constitution that it wrote for itself a mere decade ago. At this point, it seems irrelevant whether this limitless power is achieved with or without the declaration of a constitutionally authorized state of emergency. Government unconstrained by the constitution in Hungary has become the norm and not the exception.</dc:description>
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