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      <datestamp>2023-11-28T00:53:56Z</datestamp>
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        <dc:identifier>https://verfassungsblog.de/prize-and-premiership/</dc:identifier>
        <dc:title>Prize and Premiership</dc:title>
        <dc:creator>Caterina, Edoardo</dc:creator>
        <dc:language>eng</dc:language>
        <dc:date>2023-11-28</dc:date>
        <dc:type>electronic resource</dc:type>
        <dc:format>text/html</dc:format>
        <dc:subject>ddc:342</dc:subject>
        <dc:subject>Constitutional Reform</dc:subject>
        <dc:subject>Italian Constitution</dc:subject>
        <dc:subject>Italien</dc:subject>
        <dc:subject>Verfassungsreform</dc:subject>
        <dc:subject>Italien</dc:subject>
        <dc:subject>Verfassungsreform</dc:subject>
        <dc:publisher>Verfassungsblog</dc:publisher>
        <dc:relation>Verfassungsblog--2366-7044</dc:relation>
        <dc:rights>CC BY-SA 4.0</dc:rights>
        <dc:description>Since the beginning of November, Italy has been discussing a constitutional reform that aims to radically change the Italian governmental system. The bill provides that the Prime Minister (more correctly: the President of the Council of Ministers) is elected by universal suffrage in a popular vote concurrent with the Chamber of Deputies and Senate elections. This move is often referred to in journalism as ‘Premiership’ (Premierato). n this post, I would like to focus less on the characteristics of the alleged ‘Premiership’ and more on the attempt to incorporate detailed electoral rules into the constitution. First, a brief history of the ‘majority prize’ will help the reader to better understand the context in which this reform was born. This will be followed by a critique of the proposal to enshrine the ‘majority prize’ in the constitution. I argue that, as currently drafted, the reform bill risks leading to an unconstitutional constitutional amendment.</dc:description>
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