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      <datestamp>2023-12-22T16:18:06Z</datestamp>
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        <dc:identifier>http://dx.doi.org/10.59704/ad744a298137809d</dc:identifier>
        <dc:identifier>https://verfassungsblog.de/sri-lankas-economic-crisis-before-the-supreme-court/</dc:identifier>
        <dc:title>Sri Lanka’s Economic Crisis Before the Supreme Court</dc:title>
        <dc:creator>Dias, Sanjit</dc:creator>
        <dc:language>eng</dc:language>
        <dc:date>2023-12-22</dc:date>
        <dc:type>electronic resource</dc:type>
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        <dc:subject>ddc:342</dc:subject>
        <dc:subject>Economic Crisis</dc:subject>
        <dc:subject>Effective Government</dc:subject>
        <dc:subject>Sri Lanka</dc:subject>
        <dc:subject>separation of powers</dc:subject>
        <dc:subject>Sri Lanka</dc:subject>
        <dc:publisher>Verfassungsblog</dc:publisher>
        <dc:relation>Verfassungsblog--2366-7044</dc:relation>
        <dc:rights>CC BY-SA 4.0</dc:rights>
        <dc:description>On 14th November 2023, the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka issued a landmark decision holding several high-ranking executive officials responsible for the economic crisis of 2021-2022. This was widely regarded as the worst economic crisis the country had experienced post-independence; it manifested itself in a rapid depreciation of the currency, dramatic shortages of fuel which saw vehicles in mile-long queues at fueling stations, and rolling electricity cuts throughout the island. In mid-2022, two petitions were filed in the Supreme Court alleging that several officials named as respondents were responsible for this economic crisis.  In this blogpost, I argue that the court’s decision has significant implications for the scope of the fundamental rights jurisdiction, and for the court’s potential role in future controversies.</dc:description>
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