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      <datestamp>2024-03-13T14:50:09Z</datestamp>
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        <dc:identifier>http://dx.doi.org/10.59704/2682d129c4c7db41</dc:identifier>
        <dc:identifier>https://verfassungsblog.de/what-is-living-and-what-is-dead-in-the-turkish-parliament/</dc:identifier>
        <dc:title>What is Living and What is Dead in the Turkish Parliament?</dc:title>
        <dc:creator>Erhan, Doruk</dc:creator>
        <dc:language>eng</dc:language>
        <dc:date>2024-03-13</dc:date>
        <dc:type>electronic resource</dc:type>
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        <dc:subject>ddc:342</dc:subject>
        <dc:subject>AKP</dc:subject>
        <dc:subject>Authoritarianism</dc:subject>
        <dc:subject>Democratic Backsliding</dc:subject>
        <dc:subject>Erdogan</dc:subject>
        <dc:subject>Populism</dc:subject>
        <dc:subject>Türkei</dc:subject>
        <dc:subject>Türkei</dc:subject>
        <dc:publisher>Verfassungsblog</dc:publisher>
        <dc:relation>Verfassungsblog--2366-7044</dc:relation>
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        <dc:description>On January 30th, 2024, the Turkish Parliament officially revoked the mandate of Can Atalay, an opposition MP representing the earthquake-affected city of Hatay. Atalay's incident, from its inception to the recent parliamentary drama, not only exposes the diminished authority of the Constitutional Court but also exemplifies the tacit cooperation among the regime's loyal officers—judges, MPs, or civil servants. In this subtle network, the Parliament occupies a peculiar place with its distinct symbolism, serving as a fig leaf for authoritarian politics.</dc:description>
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