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      <datestamp>2024-03-30T14:36:23Z</datestamp>
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        <dc:identifier>http://dx.doi.org/10.59704/991bc2285a8fa9d4</dc:identifier>
        <dc:identifier>https://verfassungsblog.de/as-good-as-it-gets/</dc:identifier>
        <dc:title>As Good as It Gets - Party Bans and Democratic Militancy</dc:title>
        <dc:creator>de Almeida Ribeiro, Gonçalo</dc:creator>
        <dc:language>eng</dc:language>
        <dc:date>2024-03-30</dc:date>
        <dc:type>electronic resource</dc:type>
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        <dc:subject>ddc:342</dc:subject>
        <dc:subject>Comparative Constitutionalism</dc:subject>
        <dc:subject>Faschismus</dc:subject>
        <dc:subject>Fascism</dc:subject>
        <dc:subject>Militant Democracy</dc:subject>
        <dc:subject>Parteiverbot</dc:subject>
        <dc:subject>Parteiverbot</dc:subject>
        <dc:subject>Party Ban</dc:subject>
        <dc:subject>Faschismus</dc:subject>
        <dc:subject>Parteiverbot</dc:subject>
        <dc:publisher>Verfassungsblog</dc:publisher>
        <dc:relation>Verfassungsblog--2366-7044</dc:relation>
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        <dc:description>Contrasting the constitutional limitations on the freedom to establish political parties in Italy and Germany brings out two quite different conceptions of militant democracy: one is particularistic, retrospective, and provisional – preoccupied with the transition to democracy; the other is universalistic, prospective, and enduring – concerned with the degeneration of democracy. The Portuguese Constitution, true to its eclectic character and multiple influences, steers a seemingly middle course between these polar options.</dc:description>
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