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        <dc:identifier>https://verfassungsblog.de/closing-the-silences/</dc:identifier>
        <dc:title>Closing the Silences - Using the ICJ’s Interpretive Method to Read Its Climate Opinion</dc:title>
        <dc:creator>Frydlinger, David</dc:creator>
        <dc:language>eng</dc:language>
        <dc:date>2025-08-26</dc:date>
        <dc:type>electronic resource</dc:type>
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        <dc:subject>ddc:342</dc:subject>
        <dc:subject>Advisory Opinion</dc:subject>
        <dc:subject>Climate Crisis</dc:subject>
        <dc:subject>ICJ</dc:subject>
        <dc:subject>International Court of Justice</dc:subject>
        <dc:subject>Internationaler Gerichtshof | Den Haag</dc:subject>
        <dc:subject>Klimakatastrophe</dc:subject>
        <dc:subject>State Responsibility</dc:subject>
        <dc:subject>climate change</dc:subject>
        <dc:subject>customary law</dc:subject>
        <dc:subject>Internationaler Gerichtshof | Den Haag</dc:subject>
        <dc:subject>Klimakatastrophe</dc:subject>
        <dc:publisher>Verfassungsblog</dc:publisher>
        <dc:relation>Verfassungsblog--2366-7044</dc:relation>
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        <dc:description>At COP 30 in Belém, ministers will wrangle over how “sufficient” the new climate-finance goal must be, and whether “phase-down” of coal is a slogan or a legal trigger. In Brussels, the 2040 climate target faces the same test, while in Geneva, the WTO’s fossil-subsidy reform stalls over which tax breaks to cut. Read through a strict consent-only lens, and these are political choices. Read through the ICJ’s frame – science, equity, no-harm, precaution – they become legal ones: finance must be capable of delivering 1.5°C and repairing loss and damage, coal and subsidy policies must be plausibly 1.5°C-compatible, and the burden falls on governments to prove it. </dc:description>
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