<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?>
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  <dc:identifier>http://dx.doi.org/10.59704/1cd07c86a1c7eea4</dc:identifier>
  <dc:identifier>https://verfassungsblog.de/occupation-as-euphemism/</dc:identifier>
  <dc:title>“Occupation” as Euphemism</dc:title>
  <dc:creator>Mann, Itamar</dc:creator>
  <dc:language>ger</dc:language>
  <dc:date>2025-08-13</dc:date>
  <dc:type>electronic resource</dc:type>
  <dc:format>text/html</dc:format>
  <dc:subject>ddc:342</dc:subject>
  <dc:subject>Israel-Gaza War</dc:subject>
  <dc:subject>Israel-Hamas War</dc:subject>
  <dc:subject>occupation</dc:subject>
  <dc:subject>Occupied Territory</dc:subject>
  <dc:publisher>Verfassungsblog</dc:publisher>
  <dc:relation>Verfassungsblog--2366-7044</dc:relation>
  <dc:rights>CC BY-SA 4.0</dc:rights>
  <dc:description>On 10 August, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu gathered a press conference to explain an earlier cabinet decision “to occupy” Gaza. What he introduced, to the dismay of allied governments in Europe, was a military incursion on Gaza City and “the central camps and Mawasi.” Netanyahu promised a “non-Israeli civilian administration” and, in English, adjusted the earlier framing of the operation, which had by then been embraced and echoed in Israeli media: that plan is “not to occupy Gaza, but to free it.” Such rhetoric invites scrutiny – not only for the legal ramifications of the acts announced, but it also calls into attention the shifting uses of the word occupation in Israeli political discourse.</dc:description>
</dc>
