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  <dc:identifier>http://dx.doi.org/10.59704/1a93947718e849c1</dc:identifier>
  <dc:identifier>https://verfassungsblog.de/peru-parliament/</dc:identifier>
  <dc:title>Constitutionally Anti-constitutional - The Contradiction of Peruvian Parliamentarism</dc:title>
  <dc:creator>Maruy, Rodrigo</dc:creator>
  <dc:language>eng</dc:language>
  <dc:date>2026-05-26</dc:date>
  <dc:type>electronic resource</dc:type>
  <dc:format>text/html</dc:format>
  <dc:subject>ddc:342</dc:subject>
  <dc:subject>Checks and Balances</dc:subject>
  <dc:subject>National Parliaments</dc:subject>
  <dc:subject>Parliamentarism</dc:subject>
  <dc:subject>Peru</dc:subject>
  <dc:subject>Peru</dc:subject>
  <dc:subject>Peru</dc:subject>
  <dc:publisher>Verfassungsblog</dc:publisher>
  <dc:relation>Verfassungsblog--2366-7044</dc:relation>
  <dc:rights>CC BY-SA 4.0</dc:rights>
  <dc:description>Peru's presidential runoff on June 7 will decide between Keiko Fujimori and Roberto Sánchez – and whoever wins will become the country's tenth president in ten years. The presidency, however, has seemingly lost its political import. Parliament has effectively ruled Peru for the last decade: it has impeached four presidents since 2020 and rewritten the constitution to introduce a powerful new Senate, set to begin functioning on July 28. This Senate is, in essence, constitutionally anti-constitutional – its powers systematically undermine the very checks and balances that liberal constitutionalism exists to protect.</dc:description>
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