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  <dc:identifier>http://dx.doi.org/10.17176/20190815-201013-0</dc:identifier>
  <dc:identifier>https://verfassungsblog.de/resentment-populism-and-political-strategies-in-italy/</dc:identifier>
  <dc:title>Resentment, Populism and Political Strategies in Italy</dc:title>
  <dc:creator>Martinico, Giuseppe</dc:creator>
  <dc:language>eng</dc:language>
  <dc:date>2019-08-15</dc:date>
  <dc:type>electronic resource</dc:type>
  <dc:format>text/html</dc:format>
  <dc:subject>ddc:342</dc:subject>
  <dc:subject>Constitutional Law</dc:subject>
  <dc:subject>Constitutional Reform</dc:subject>
  <dc:subject>Populism</dc:subject>
  <dc:publisher>Verfassungsblog</dc:publisher>
  <dc:relation>Verfassungsblog--2366-7044</dc:relation>
  <dc:rights>CC BY-NC-ND 4.0</dc:rights>
  <dc:description>After Matteo Salvini announced his plan of holding snap elections, the former Italian prime minister (Presidente del Consiglio), Matteo Renzi launched the idea to postpone elections by forming a transistional government supported by the Partito democratico and the MoVimento 5 stelle, amongst others. Renzi knows that, according to the polls, Salvini’s political party (the Lega) could win the elections and form a government with Fratelli d’Italia, a post-fascist and still far-right party or with Forza Italia, the party created by Silvio Berlusconi. But would this move prevent a populist government?</dc:description>
</dc>
