14 April 2014
Legal but not Fair: Viktor Orbán’s New Supermajority
Viktor Orbán and his Fidesz party coasted to a clear victory in last weekend’s Hungarian election, as expected. The governing party got 45% of the vote, but the new “rules of the game” turned this plurality vote into two thirds of the seats in the parliament. A continuing two-thirds parliamentary majority allows Orbán to govern without constraint because he can change the constitution at will. But this constitution-making majority hangs by a thread. Orbán’s mandate to govern is clear because his party got more votes than any other single political bloc. What is not legitimate, however, is his two-thirds supermajority. Orbán was certainly not supported by two-thirds of Hungarians – nowhere close. In fact, a majority gave their votes to other parties. Orbán’s two-thirds victory was achieved through legal smoke and mirrors. Legal. But smoke and mirrors. Viktor Orbán and his Fidesz party coasted to a clear victory in last weekend’s Hungarian election, as expected. The governing party got 45% of the vote, but the new “rules of the game” turned this plurality vote into two thirds of the seats in the parliament. A continuing two-thirds parliamentary majority allows Orbán to govern without constraint because he can change the constitution at will. But this constitution-making majority hangs by a thread. Orbán’s mandate to govern is clear because his party got more votes than any other single political bloc. What is not legitimate, however, is his two-thirds supermajority. Orbán was certainly not supported by two-thirds of Hungarians – nowhere close. In fact, a majority gave their votes to other parties. Orbán’s two-thirds victory was achieved through legal smoke and mirrors. Legal. But smoke and mirrors. Continue reading >>
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22 November 2013
EU-Kommission v. Ungarn: Warum wir ein “System-Vertragsverletzungsverfahren” brauchen
Was kann die Europäische Union – und vor allem die Kommission - gegen Mitgliedsstaaten unternehmen, die sich nicht länger an die grundlegendsten europäischen Regeln halten? Die Frage drängt, weil bereits mehrere Mitgliedsstaaten uns bereits vor solche Herausforderungen stellen. Eine Vertragsreform könnte die Kommission stärken. Aber kann sie handeln, ohne abwarten zu müssen, bis sie nach einem langen und mühevollen Prozess der Vertragsreform neue Kompetenzen erhält? Kim Lane Scheppele schlägt einen neuen Ansatz vor, die schlichte Ausdehnung eines existierenden Mechanismus - des Vertragsverletzungsverfahrens. Continue reading >>22 November 2013
EU Commission v. Hungary: The Case for the “Systemic Infringement Action”
What can the European Union – and in particular the European Commission – do about Member States that no longer reliably play by the most fundamental European rules? The question is now urgent because several Member States are already posing such challenges. Treaty reform could give the Commission new powers. But can the Commission act without waiting for the long and arduous process of treaty reform to provide new tools? Kim Lane Scheppele proposes a new approach, a simple extension of an existing mechanism: the infringement action. Continue reading >>
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05 July 2013
In Praise of the Tavares Report: Europe finally said No to Viktor Orbán
The Tavares Report, adopted by the European Parliament with a surprisingly large majority, provides a bill of particulars against the Hungarian government and lays out a strong program to guide European Union institutions in bringing Hungary back into the European fold. With the passage of this report, Europe has finally said no to Prime Minister Viktor Orbán and his constitutional revolution. Continue reading >>
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05 July 2013
In Praise of the Tavares Report: Europe finally said No to Viktor Orbán
The Tavares Report, adopted by the European Parliament with a surprisingly large majority, provides a bill of particulars against the Hungarian government and lays out a strong program to guide European Union institutions in bringing Hungary back into the European fold. With the passage of this report, Europe has finally said no to Prime Minister Viktor Orbán and his constitutional revolution. Continue reading >>18 June 2013
1984, Hungarian Edition
The Hungarian parliament recently passed a new national security law [...] Continue reading >>
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04 March 2013
Constitutional Revenge
One year ago, Hungary’s slide from a multiparty democracy into [...] Continue reading >>04 March 2013
Constitutional Revenge
One year ago, Hungary’s slide from a multiparty democracy into [...] Continue reading >>
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09 August 2012
How to Evade the Constitution: The Hungarian Constitutional Court’s Decision on Judicial Retirement Age, Part II
Part Two: “The System Remains” (Continued from Part 1: The [...] Continue reading >>09 August 2012