Isabel Kienzle, Rhea Nachtigall

Chancen-Gleichheit für Geduldete?

Neben dem X. Gesetz zur Beschleunigung von Asylverfahren hat der Bundestag am heutigen Freitag auch das sog. Chancen-Aufenthaltsrecht (CAR) für langjährig Geduldete beschlossen. Damit endet ein rund einjähriger Prozess, während dessen das CAR bereits früh eine Kontroverse hervorrief: Zahlreiche Bundesländer erließen sog. Vorgriffserlasse, die potentielle Adressat*innen des CAR bis zu dessen Inkrafttreten vor einer Abschiebung schützen sollten. Andere Länder setzten ihre Abschiebepraxis unbeirrt fort – gerade gegenüber potentiellen Adressat*innen. Der folgende Beitrag setzt sich mit dieser Praxis kritisch auseinander und zeigt auf, dass das CAR bereits vor Inkrafttreten eine Vorwirkung in Form eines Frustrationsverbotes entfaltete, das Ausländerbehörden irreversible aufenthaltsbeendende Maßnahmen untersagt. Continue reading >>

Tomasz Tadeusz Koncewicz

The Autonomy of Sport and the Degeneration of an Ideal

The Football World Cup in Qatar is but the tip of the iceberg of the mounting problems for UEFA/FIFA. Scandals. Corruption. Cozying up to the autocrats and feeling right at home in their company. Arrogance bordering on ignorance coming from the very top of the governing bodies. The list of serious ailments that beset the system of football governance goes on. As a result, one might argue that not much of substance can be added to the topic. Yet, as will be argued here, there is still a constitutional and discursive potential to push forward the discourse on the broken system of football governance. There is important space for constitutionalists to fill by offering a voice of critical reflection, insights and by pointing out signposts for the future. Continue reading >>

Thomas Köller

Demokratie in der Supra-EU

Heute soll CETA, das Umfassende Wirtschafts- und Handelsabkommen der EU mit Kanada, durch den Bundestag gebracht werden. Die absehbare Zustimmung von Bundestag und Bundesrat zu CETA darf nicht dazu führen, die verfassungsrechtliche und demokratietheoretische Problematik der „Ausschüsse“ einfach ad acta zu legen. Die EU ist dabei, das Regieren mittels transnationaler Ausschüsse oberhalb der EU systematisch auszubauen, insbesondere im Rahmen umfassender Freihandelsverträge. Dies bedarf dringend klarer Leitplanken und Stoppschilder seitens des Bundesverfassungsgerichts. Continue reading >>

Antonio Estella de Noriega

Judges as Guardians of Promises

On 16 November, the Minister for Equality accused the Spanish judiciary of being macho-ist: “macho-ism can compromise both the impartiality and the integrity of judicial systems; macho-ism may make judges apply the law erroneously and wrongly”, said the Minister. After much criticism, Podemos, in support of the Minister, rounded up her argument: “Spanish judges are fascists”. These comments are part of an intense battle that is being fought between the government (Psoe/Podemos) and the Spanish Popular Party regarding the renewal of the Spanish General Council for the Judiciary, the judges’ governing body. Continue reading >>

Christoph Herrmann, Tim Ellemann

Weder Festung Europa, noch Gefängnis Europa

Werden in der Europäischen Union bald nicht nur ausländische Direktinvestitionen in die EU (inbound), sondern auch Investitionen europäischer Unternehmen in Drittstaaten (outbound) einer hoheitlichen Investitionskontrolle unterzogen? Während die EU-Kommission erste Andeutungen hierzu macht, läuft in den USA die Diskussion bereits heiß – bis ins Weiße Haus. Continue reading >>

Diana Dehelean, Sarah Ouředníčková

War, Schengen, and the Rule of Law

On 22 November 2022, the European Commission (EC) published its final report on Romania under the Cooperation and Verification Mechanism (CVM) and proposed the mechanism be terminated. While this is an early Christmas present to the ruling elite of Romania, it certainly isn’t one for the rule of law – neither in Romania nor the EU. It’s been nearly 16 years since the CVM was established at the accession of Romania and Bulgaria to the EU in January 2007. Setting and monitoring benchmarks, its aim is to support both countries in overcoming shortcomings relating to the rule of law, especially the independence of the judiciary and fight against corruption. While Bulgaria was considered to have successfully fulfilled all benchmarks by 2019 and the mechanism was lifted, the case is different for Romania. Continue reading >>

Kim Lane Scheppele, Gábor Mészáros, Petra Bárd

In Hungary, the Law Changes Every Day but It Doesn’t Get Better

The EU Commission has agreed with us that the laws that we have analyzed in our series of four blogposts did not in fact constitute an effective anti-corruption plan. And the Commission has attached a €13.3 billion price tag to non-compliance. Now the Hungarian government is scrambling to unlock this cash by introducing two additional laws that attempt to address the Commission’s concerns. But these new laws repeat the errors of the prior laws. They create the appearance of an independent corruption-fighting system while digging in political allies at all of the chokepoints and tying up whistleblowers and anti-corruption fighters in red tape. The new laws do not make things better and they may even make things worse. Continue reading >>

Lucas Roorda

Inequality of Harms, Inequality of Arms

On November 8th 2022 Channa Samkalden, lawyer for Esther Kiobel and three other widows of executed Nigerian community leaders, announced that her clients would be ending their lawsuit against Shell. Uncertainty about the outcome, combined with the fact that the case had already been (unsuccessfully) going on for over 20 years in multiple fora, had made the four widows decide to withdraw the appeal, “not without disappointment and frustration”. In this blog, I discuss this case's remarkable procedural history and why it, set against the particular facts of the case, illustrates the fundamental procedural unfairness between large corporations and victims trying to hold them to account. Continue reading >>

Gustavo Palamone

Juristocracy Strikes Back

Once again, Brazil’s highest electoral court finds itself taking the spotlights in the international media for its incredibly fierce – and, admittedly, also controversial – involvement in the country’s elections. As an institution deeply committed to the defence of democracy and its electoral processes, it has gone to previously unimagined lengths to secure that political competition stays within high standards of freedom and fairness, even in face of the most effortful attempts of subverting the electoral game. The Court’s latest headline is no different. Continue reading >>