From the DMCA to the DSA—A Transatlantic Dialogue on Online Platform Regulation and Copyright
On 17 February 2024, the Digital Services Act (DSA) became fully applicable in Europe. The DSA takes a novel regulatory approach to intermediaries by imposing not only liability rules for the (user) content they host and moderate, but also separate due diligence obligations for the provider’s own role and conduct in the design and functioning of their services. This new approach fundamentally reshapes the regulation and liability of platforms in Europe, and promises to have a significant impact in other jurisdictions, like the US, where there are persistent calls for legislative interventions to reign in the power of Big Tech. This symposium brings together a group of renowned European and American scholars to conduct an academic transatlantic dialogue on the potential benefits and risks of the EU’s new approach.
Read all articles >>The Legal Tools of Authoritarianism: The Russian Constitution at 30
The Russian Constitution has just turned 30 years old. But do law, constitution, and courts still play a role in a deeply authoritarian and aggressive regime? What has gone wrong in the history of Russian constitutionalism? These questions are not only of domestic relevance: For Soviet dissident and Nobel Peace Prize laureate Andrei Sakharov, peace went hand in hand with human rights and progress. This blog debate, in collaboration with the German Sakharov Society, is seeking answers and sheds light on the legal tools of Russian authoritarianism.
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Volume 5,Issues 2-3
November 2023
JUS COGENS
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The Constitutional Concepts of Sustainability and Dignity
ESTER HERLIN-KARNELL
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How Should Personal and Political Autonomy Feature in the ECtHR’s Margin of Appreciation?
ANTOINETTE SCHWARZ
AND MORE ARTICLES…
DAS THÜRINGEN-PROJEKT
LATEST POSTS
Taking War to Court
A surprise attack launched by Hamas on October 7 ignited yet another period of violence in Israel and Gaza. In response, Israel launched an unprecedented invasion of the Gaza Strip, which resulted in the deaths of over 25,000 Gazans, most of them civilians. While the war does not seem to come close to an end, Israel has meanwhile encountered a different kind of problem; following the October 7 attack, Israel captured hundreds of Hamas fighters. Immediately following the start of the war, voices in Israel urged the government to launch criminal prosecutions of these attackers, with some arguing that Israel should impose the death penalty on the perpetrators.
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A2D for Researchers in Digital Platforms
Over the past decade, access to data (A2D) in digital platforms has emerged as a significant challenge within the research community. Researchers seeking to explore data hosted on these platforms encounter growing obstacles. While legal policies in the US have generally focused on establishing safeguards for researchers against the restrictions on access imposed by private ordering, the recent EU Digital Service Act (DSA) introduces a legal framework, which enables researchers to compel platforms to provide data access. These complementary legal strategies may prove instrumental in facilitating A2D for research purposes.
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A Systemic Approach to Implementing the DSA’s Human-in-the-Loop Requirement
Policymakers and the public are increasingly concerned about a lack of transparency and accountability in content moderation. Opaque and incontestable content moderation decisions have potential impacts on freedom of expression and media freedom, and well-known issues of discrimination and bias. Our focus here is on how Article 20 DSA can and should be interpreted going forward. Specifically, does Article 20 require a human content moderator to review every content moderation decision on request? And should it?
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Pakistan’s Qazi Court and Who is Afraid of the Cricket Bat
In a fundamental misunderstanding of classical Islamic law, legendary sociologist Max Weber conceptualised it as ‘Qadi justice’ quintessentially characterized as an Islamic judge “sitting under a tree” handing out informal and irrational decisions. Weber may have been incorrect in his characterization of Islamic law, but the Qazi Court of Pakistan appears to fit that mould. In several decisions, the Qazi Court effectively condoned the unconstitutional delay in elections, suppression of the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) of Imran Khan’s election campaign, and turned a blind eye towards a campaign of repression by the military-backed establishment. However, the unkindest cut of them all to Pakistan’s democracy and the legitimacy of the elections was the Qazi Court’s decision denying the PTI its electoral symbol: the cricket bat.
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Comme il faut!
Die für Ende Februar 2024 angesetzten Präsidentschaftswahlen im Senegal ließ der jetzige Präsident in einer Ankündigung aus Gründen von Streitigkeiten über das nationale Wahlgesetz ad interim aussetzen. Dagegen stellte sich daraufhin Mitte Februar 2024 vehement die senegalesische Judikative. Der senegalesische Verfassungsrat (Conseil constitutionnel) erklärte die präsidial angekündigte Wahlverschiebung für verfassungswidrig.
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The DSA’s Trusted Flaggers
One of the most-publicized innovations brought about by the Digital Services Act (DSA or Regulation) is the ‘institutionalization’ of a regime emerged and consolidated for a decade already through voluntary programs introduced by the major online platforms: trusted flaggers. This blogpost provides an overview of the relevant provisions, procedures, and actors. It argues that, ultimately, the DSA’s much-hailed trusted flagger regime is unlikely to have groundbreaking effects on content moderation in Europe.
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The Legal Limits of Supporting Israel
On January 26, 2024, the International Court of Justice (‘ICJ’ or ‘the Court’) issued its provisional measures order on the Application of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide in the Gaza Strip (South Africa v. Israel). This article provides an overview of the legal implications of the ICJ’s order for third-party states providing political, financial, or military support to Israel, including the US, Canada, the UK, Germany, and the Netherlands. I argue that the plausibility of genocide establishes the necessary evidentiary threshold to trigger state responsibility for third-party states on the international level as well as to initiate domestic legal proceedings.
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Will the DSA have the Brussels Effect?
The Digital Services Act (DSA) is a comprehensive effort by the European Union (EU) to regulate digital services. Many on-lookers in Europe and beyond its borders wonder about whether the DSA will influence activities outside of Europe via a “Brussels Effect.” In this contribution, we argue that when it comes to extraterritorial spill-over effects of the DSA that are driven by economic incentives or de facto standardisation and private ordering.
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Umweltverfassung in Aktion
Dass der Klimabeschluss des Bundesverfassungsgerichts Auswirkungen auf das Recht weit über seine konkrete Regelungswirkung hinaus hat, zeigt sich u.a. im aktuellen Doppelurteil des OVG Berlin-Brandenburg zur Verpflichtung der Bundesregierung, Sofortprogramme für die Sektoren Gebäude und Verkehr nach § 8 Klimaschutzgesetz (KSG) vorzulegen. Das OVG hat sich darin mit einer Reihe von umweltrechtlichen Problemstellungen in Zulässigkeit und Begründetheit befasst.
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Autocratic (Il)legalism
It is a common myth that since the Fidesz-KDNP coalition has almost always had a two-thirds parliamentary majority since 2010, the Orbán-government could pass its illiberal legislative reforms in a legally correct manner. In reality, however, many laws that constitute the pillars of Orbán’s illiberal regime were enacted in violation of the procedural requirements of the rule of law. The European Commission’s country visit to Hungary provides an opportunity to remind the EU bodies of their responsibility to enforce all requirements of the rule of law without compromise.
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Human Rights Outsourcing and Reliance on User Activism in the DSA
Article 14(4) of the Digital Services Act (DSA) places an obligation on providers of intermediary services, including online platforms hosting user-generated content (see Article 3(g) DSA), to apply content moderation systems in “a diligent, objective and proportionate manner.” Against this background, the approach taken in Article 14(4) DSA raises complex questions. Does the possibility of imposing fundamental rights obligations on intermediaries, such as online platforms, exempt the state power from the noble task of preventing inroads into fundamental rights itself? Can the legislator legitimately outsource the obligation to safeguard fundamental rights to private parties?
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On the Politics of Non-Transparent Electoral Funding in India
Last week, a five-judge bench of the Indian Supreme Court delivered a significant verdict adjudicating the constitutionality of the Electoral Bond Scheme (“EBS”). The EBS introduced a novel method of making ‘anonymous’ donations to Indian political parties, both by individuals and a body of individuals. The judgment makes a democracy-enabling jurisprudential step in extending the right to information of voters to the details of political funding received by political parties in an effort to cement transparency and accountability as the central values of the electoral exercise.
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Towards a Digital Constitution
The DSA exemplifies the EU's efforts to create a fairer, more responsible digital environment. Through the DSA, the EU appears to be advancing a process of constitutionalisation of Internet governance, as an important milestone in the evolving landscape of “digital constitutionalism”, aiming to establish a unified framework of rights, principles, and governance norms for the digital space, while also contributing to the development of new governance structures and regulatory bodies dedicated to effectively safeguarding fundamental rights online.
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European Nuclear Weapons
After Donald Trump’s announcement to withhold US military support in case of an attack on a NATO member by Russia under certain circumstances, a discussion has been sparked on whether Europe itself should have their own nuclear weapons for nuclear deterrence. However, given the progress in the legal framework of nuclear non-proliferation and nuclear disarmament, European nuclear weapons would violate international law.
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Who’s Afraid of Militant Democracy, U.S. Style
Yesterday, Professor Samuel Issacharoff asked “Can it really be that one public official in Maine can remove a national presidential candidate on her say-so?” Professor Issacharoff and I, as well as every proponent of disqualification I know of, agree on a basic point. Right-wing populist authoritarianism cannot be defeated by legal decree. Government by the people cannot be maintained by means other than government by the people. Disqualifying individual candidates who resort to violence when they lose the vote, however, does not raise the difficulties that concern Professor Issacharoff and are consistent with democratic rule.
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Diskursraumschutz durch hochschulisches Ordnungsrecht
Die Hochschulen waren von Beginn der bundesdeutschen Geschichte an Austragungsort politischer Konflikte. Ihre große Stärke liegt darin, ein Forum für die Versachlichung, wissenschaftliche Vertiefung und Reflexion dieser Konflikte zu bieten. Die Konflikte in den letzten Jahren haben jedoch plastisch gemacht, dass dieses Ideal eines wissenschaftlichen Forums kein Selbstläufer ist, sondern Steuerungsleistungen aller Organe der Hochschulen bedarf und häufig auch Präsidien und Rektorate in die Pflicht nimmt, Auseinandersetzungen zu begleiten, zu gestalten und ultima ratio auch Grenzen zu setzen.
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How the DMCA Anticipated the DSA’s Due Process Obligations
Among other things, the new DSA requires platforms to provide “due process”-like protections for user-authors. This regulatory approach is an important Internet Law development, but it’s not completely novel. The DMCA also contains several due process-like protections for user-authors. This post identifies some of the DMCA’s due process elements, compares them to the DSA’s analogous provisions, and discusses the lessons from the DMCA for the DSA. Though the DSA uses a different policy paradigm than the DMCA, it’s unclear if it will achieve better outcomes.
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The CJEU’s Feminist Turn?
In Case C-621/21, the Grand Chamber of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) held that women in general and women facing domestic violence in their country of origin in particular, qualify as a protected ‘social group’ under EU Directive 2011/95 and thus avail themselves for refugee status or subsidiary protection in the Common European Asylum System. This contribution applies the perspective of feminist approaches to international law to critically analyze what this decision means for women and victims of gender-based violence – in- and outside of the European Union.
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EU’s Involvement in the Renewal of the Spanish Council of the Judiciary
The growing political polarization of Western liberal democracies often leads to situations of political deadlock that require the intervention of an external authority capable of untangling the knot. After the second (fruitless) meeting held today between Commissioner Reynders and representatives of the Spanish government and the main opposition party, there is no simple solution in sight to an issue of the renewal of the Spanish Council of the Judiciary with significant implications for the immediate future of the Spanish political scenario. In this blog, I argue that underneath all the technical layers of legal order invoked under the generic defence of the rule of law, there are political and democratic debates for which the EU may play an important yet uncertain and questionable role.
Continue reading >>Schutz ist gut, Vertrauen ist besser
„Wehrhafte Demokratie“, „Grundrechtsverwirkung“ und „Parteiverbot“ klingt es dieser Tage durch Straßen, Foren und Medien. „Endlich“ möchte man meinen, schließlich zeigen Beispiele in Polen, Ungarn, Israel und den USA, welch bemerkenswert fragile Gebilde Demokratie und Rechtsstaat weltweit sind. Die Forderungen zum Schutz der Verfassung sind nicht länger nur Parolen. Stattdessen gibt es inzwischen konkrete Überlegungen, das Bundesverfassungsgericht besser zu schützen. Entsprechende Überlegungen dürfen allerdings nicht den Blick dafür verstellen, dass auch eine erfolgreiche Reform beileibe nicht alle Gefährdungen beseitigen würde.
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