Parliamentary Immunity as a Privilege


On 5 February 2026, the Court of Justice delivered its judgment in Case C-572/23 P, annulling the European Parliament’s decisions of 9 March 2021 waiving the parliamentary immunity of Carles Puigdemont, Antoni Comín and Clara Ponsatí. In particular, the CJEU requires the rapporteur of the committee responsible for the reasoned proposal to be insulated from even indirect political links with the party that instigated the underlying criminal proceedings. This reinforces the perception of immunity as a personal privilege rather than a functional safeguard.

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Forays Into Reality


For decades, xenophobia has been relegated to the margins of the UN treaty body system: it was routinely invoked alongside racism but rarely treated as a legal problem in its own right. On February 3, two UN treaty bodies issued two joint interpretative comments on eradicating xenophobia against migrants and others perceived as such. For all their efforts, they dodge the all-important structural tension arising from migration governance: xenophobia is embedded in an international system that recognises the sovereign impulse to police migration not only as a (much critiqued) prerogative but, crucially, as a legitimate objective.

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Setting It in Stone


Is "business as usual" in conflict zones officially a crime? As France’s Court of Cassation prepares to rule on the Lafarge case, the legal focus shifts from the company’s commercial motives to its operational awareness. By prioritizing "knowledge" over "criminal purpose," this landmark decision could dismantle the final legal shield for corporations operating alongside atrocity crimes.

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The Iran War and the Dutch Retreat from International Law


On 2 March, the Netherlands’ new Minister of Foreign Affairs, Tom Berendsen, stated that he could have “understanding” for the American and Israeli attacks on Iran. According to the minister, we must thus pursue a more realistic course in which there is only limited room for international law. Such a relativization of international law, and its selective application, is troubling, not only from a moral perspective, but above all from a constitutional one.

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Keine intertemporale Freiheitssicherung für den Sozialstaat


Mit Beschluss vom 26. Januar 2026 hat das Bundesverfassungsgericht eine Verfassungsbeschwerde nicht zur Entscheidung angenommen, die sich gegen das Rentenpaket 2025 richtete: Ein Student sah sich in seinen Grundrechten verletzt, weil er Beiträge in die gesetzliche Rentenversicherung einzahle, ohne später mit gleichwertigen Leistungen rechnen zu können. Was wie eine Randnotiz aus dem Gerichtsalltag wirkt, ist für die Grundrechtsdogmatik aufschlussreich: Das BVerfG präzisiert im Nichtannahmebeschluss sein Verständnis der intertemporalen Freiheitssicherung aus dem Klimabeschluss von 2021 und zeigt zugleich, dass die dort aufgestellten Kriterien tragen.

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Lost in Translation

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In January 2026, president Karol Nawrocki vetoed the Polish draft law set to implement the Digital Services Act. The censorship concerns he invoked reveal a limited understanding of the realities of today’s online environment. Nearly a year after J.D. Vance’s infamous Munich Security Conference address, in which he accused EU Commissioners of suppressing free speech, the narrative still has an impact on Poland. The Polish President has embraced a free speech paradigm prevalent in the American political discourse – one that is ill-suited to the European legal and institutional framework.

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Free Speech, Protest and the High Court’s Ruling on the Proscription of Palestine Action


On 13 February, the High Court of England and Wales ruled that the UK government’s decision to proscribe Palestine Action did not follow the government’s own policy and was contrary to the rights to freedom of expression and assembly. The case highlights how proscription, a sweeping power “designed to ensure that an organisation ceases to exist”, significantly affects the rights of people outside the organisation. Given the breadth of the restriction, the court came to the right conclusion and provided an important safeguard for free speech and protest rights.

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International Law of Equals


The old, cherished post-war international legal order no longer exists. The stakes were clear even before the recent, blatantly illegal attack on Iran led by the United States and Israel. After attacking Venezuela in January, Donald Trump freely admitted that he was only interested in his own morality, not international law. Mark Carney and Emmanuel Macron articulated the antithesis to Trump in Davos. Both professed their commitment to a multilateral, rules-based order, placing predictability above high-handedness. Each vision has a history that can provide insight into the conditions for their success.

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On the Way to the Industrial Accelerator Act

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After months of delays, internal frictions, leaks, and sensational claims that EU industrial policy is going “full China”, the long-anticipated proposal for an Industrial Accelerator Act (IAA) is expected in early March. The IAA represents a continuation and deepening of the Commission’s new industrial policy, distancing itself from a deeply entrenched constitutional imaginary in which the economy was governed primarily through rules designed to enable and protect competitive coordination.

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Is the International Norm Against Assassination Dead?

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On 28 February 2026, the United States and Israel assassinated the supreme leader of Iran, Ali Khamenei. The joint operation marked the first time either state has directly killed a sitting head of state. As with the US’s January 2026 operation against Nicolás Maduro, what stands out is not only the gravity of the act but the manner in which it was justified. While the international norm against assassination may not yet be fully dead, its recent trajectory offers little hope for its restoration.

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CURRENT DEBATES

Reflexive Globalisation and the Law

In October 2025, a new Centre for Advanced Studies was established at the Humboldt University of Berlin’s Law Faculty. Named “Reflexive Globalisation and the Law: Colonial Legacies and their Implications in the 21st Century” (RefLex), the Centre explores the premise that the globalisation of law and legal discourse has entered a reflexive phase: one in which law and knowledge production about law are less and less one-directional exports from or within the Global North but rather dynamic, multidirectional exchanges that confront colonial legacies, epistemic hierarchies, and enduring asymmetries of power. This blog symposium, co-edited by Philipp Dann, Florian Jeßberger, and Kalika Mehta, aims to present and extend these interactions to a broader, accessible dialogue with a wider community beyond the university setting. Featuring contributions from a range of different disciplines and regions, the symposium serves as a public prelude to its official launch, which can be watched live here.

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Wem gehört die Wissenschaft?

Wem gehört die Wissenschaft – und wem sollte sie gehören? Obwohl Wissen als öffentliches Gut prinzipiell unbegrenzt teilbar ist, wird der Zugang zu wissenschaftlichen Publikationen und Infrastrukturen durch ökonomische und rechtliche Strukturen beschränkt. Zwischen kommerziellen Verlagsmodellen, staatlicher Finanzierung und Community-getragenen Open-Access-Initiativen stellen sich grundlegende Fragen nach Eigentum, Verantwortung und Unabhängigkeit wissenschaftlicher Arbeit. Das Blog-Symposium „Wem gehört die Wissenschaft?“ greift diese Frage auf und beleuchtet Facetten der Organisation von Wissenschaft als Gemeingut, der Eigentums- und Machtverhältnisse im Publikationssystem und der Bedingungen offener und freier Wissensproduktion.

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If you have an idea for a blog symposium, which is subsequently published as a Verfassungsbook please don’t hesitate to get in touch via submission@verfassungsblog.de. You can find all information here and a form for proposals here.

OUR LATEST PUBLICATION

Jakob Gašperin Wischhoff, Till Stadtbäumer (eds.)
In Good Faith: Freedom of Religion under Article 10 of the EU Charter

Freedom of religion, its interaction with the prohibition of discrimination, and the self-determination of churches are embedded in a complex national and European constitutional framework and remain as pertinent and contested as ever. This edited volume examines the latest significant developments from an EU perspective, placing freedom of religion at the centre of analysis and critically assessing its operationalisation and interpretation in light of the EU Charter.

Discover the Open Access digital edition here.

PROJECTS

VB Security and Crime

In cooperation with:

VB Security and Crime is a cooperation of the Max Planck Institute for the Study of Crime, Security and Law (MPI-CSL) and the Verfassungsblog in the areas of public security law and criminal law. The MPI-CSL Institute is a member of the Max Planck Law network.

Das Justiz-Projekt

Weltweit gerät die unabhängige und unparteiische Justiz unter den Druck des autoritären Populismus.

Wie verwundbar ist die rechtsprechende Gewalt in Deutschland – im Bund und in den Ländern?

VB Security and Crime

In cooperation with:

 

VB Security and Crime is a cooperation of the Max Planck Institute for the Study of Crime, Security and Law (MPI-CSL) and the Verfassungsblog in the areas of public security law and criminal law. The MPI-CSL Institute is a member of the Max Planck Law network.

Das Justiz-Projekt

 

Weltweit gerät die unabhängige und unparteiische Justiz unter den Druck des autoritären Populismus.

Wie verwundbar ist die rechtsprechende Gewalt in Deutschland – im Bund und in den Ländern?

EDITORIAL

“Muskism Proposes Something More Like Social War”

Elon Musk’s influence extends far beyond business – and it continues to grow. But to understand how powerful and how potentially dangerous for democracy Musk’s empire truly is, one has to examine the worldview that made his rise possible. In their new book, the historian Quinn Slobodian and the writer Ben Tarnoff trace the ascent of the self-styled “Technoking” and the idea of fusing human beings with machines. We spoke

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„Muskismus setzt eher auf sozialen Krieg“

Elon Musks Macht reicht weit über die Wirtschaft hinaus. Und sie nimmt zu. Um zu verstehen, wie gefährlich Musks Imperium für die Demokratie tatsächlich ist, muss man das dahinterstehende Weltverständnis in den Blick nehmen. In ihrem neuen Buch zeichnen der Historiker Quinn Slobodian und der Autor Ben Tarnoff den Aufstieg des selbsternannten „Technoking“ nach und analysieren seine Idee einer Verschmelzung von Mensch und Maschine. Wir haben mit ihnen über Musks

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