18 March 2024

FIFA Transfer System Rules in front of the Court

The governance of professional football is facing turbulent times. After three verdicts on 21 December 2023 (ESL, RAFC and ISU), the next case potentially sanctioning football governance is already well underway. In the pending Diarra case (C-650/22), the validity of the FIFA transfer system is at stake. Transfers are among the bread and butter of daily football practice. Any flaw in the transfer system will affect the whole industry. This blog post explores Diarra from a competition law perspective. Continue reading >>
0
17 March 2024

Tort Law and New Zealand’s Corporate Greenhouse Gas Emissions

In February 2024, the New Zealand Supreme Court overturned the previous strike outs in the case of Michael John Smith in tort against seven major New Zealand companies in the dairy, energy, steel, mining and infrastructure sectors. Smith asserts that the respondents are engaging in conduct that affects him and others, and has put them into legal connection with one another in ways that enable appropriate remedy. This is heartland common law territory.  Even though the climate change problems we are now grappling with may be new ones, the centuries-old practices and traditions of the common law are a part of New Zealand’s constitutional heritage and structure.  Litigation is a legitimate vehicle for members of the population to engage the law in the face of harm or threats to individuals’ rights and well-being. Continue reading >>
0
15 March 2024

Memo an die Montagehalle

Fast ein Jahr ist es her, dass das Eckpunktepapier zur Reform des Wissenschaftszeitvertragsgesetzes (WissZeitVG) veröffentlicht und zu Recht scharf kritisiert wurde. Nun bestätigte ein Sprecher des BMBF, man beabsichtige, den Referentenentwurf einer Reform des WissZeitVG vom 6.6.2023 zeitnah im Kabinett zu beschließen und das parlamentarische Verfahren zu initiieren. Politiker*innen der Ampel sind zu Recht unzufrieden. Der Referentenentwurf ist nicht geeignet, das Wissenschaftsbefristungsrecht auf verfassungs- und europarechtlich tragfähige Beine zu stellen und lässt dabei die Gelegenheit aus, die Tarifparteien für eine zukunftsfähige Wissenschaftslandschaft in die Pflicht zu nehmen. Continue reading >>
0

The Sovereign Protection Office as the Tip of the Iceberg

In December 2023, the Hungarian Parliament passed a law establishing a Sovereign Protection Office—a state administration which now possesses unfettered access to personal data to find and sanction supposed foreign agents among the Hungarian populace. This office operates at will and without oversight, offers no avenue for legal redress, and wields prison time upwards of three years. In recent weeks, the European Commission launched an infringement proceeding over the law, and the European Parliament called on the European Council to consider Article 7(2) procedures. Continue reading >>
0

Judging Nicaragua’s Public Interest Litigation in The Hague

The judicialisation of Israel’s war in Gaza has taken a significant turn, with Nicaragua boldly entering the scene and executing two distinct actions. This post contributes to understanding Nicaragua’s two moves before the ICJ by analysing three dimensions. First, the country’s rich relationship with the Court. Second, the prioritisation of political impact and visibility over adjudicative success. Finally, the normative assessments concerning Nicaragua’s moral standing and intentions. Continue reading >>

Brazilian Judges Regulate Elections … and AI

Brazil has new regulations on AI and election interference. Also, in Brazil, the judiciary oversees elections. As municipal elections are coming up, we face a quite unique situation of technological challenges, untested laws, and unusual institutional arrangements. Although innovative, these regulations are constrained in their effectiveness and indifference to broader regulatory debates concerning the regulation of AI, showcasing an uncomfortable relationship between judicial and legislative powers regarding digital policy in Brazil. Disregarding the complexity of AI, the regulations legitimise the expansion of the judicial branch's power to deal with digital threats to democracy while not fully engaging with how these threats materialise through the development and use of AI. Continue reading >>
0

Reconceptualizing Legislative Privileges

Earlier this month, the Indian Supreme Court delivered a judgment in a reference pertaining to the law and scope of legislative privileges under the Indian Constitution. The primary question before the court was whether legislative privileges extend to the protection from prosecution of a legislator who receives a bribe to speak or vote in a certain manner in the legislature. In the following sections of this post, I’ll first discuss the existing law on legislative privileges in India, which is unique in its origination and formulation. I’ll then argue that there is a need to reconceptualize the understanding of legislative privileges in order to support the legislative systems in performing their roles and functions in their true essence. Continue reading >>
0
14 March 2024

Shortcomings of the AI Act

After the much-awaited vote of the 13th March 2024 by the European Parliament, it is time to begin evaluating the state of fundamental rights in light of the AI Act. In this blog post, three areas of potential inconsistencies and risks are examined: differentiation of provider and deployer, biometrics used in real-time and post-factum, and the standards of biometric recognition in the areas of immigration. Continue reading >>
0
,

Ausfalloption Karlsruhe

Antidemokratische Kräfte erstarken – und mit ihnen die parlamentarische Obstruktion in Bund und Ländern. Wenn solche Kräfte in den anstehenden Landtagswahlen mehr als ein Drittel oder gar die Mehrheit der Stimmen gewinnen, stellt sich mit Dringlichkeit die Frage, wie die Landesverfassungsgerichte funktionsfähig bleiben können. Eine derzeit diskutierte Möglichkeit besteht darin, die für das Bundesverfassungsgericht diskutierten Mechanismen auch auf die Landesverfassungsgerichtsbarkeit zu übertragen. Eine andere Option wäre es, den Weg zu beschreiten, den das Grundgesetz in Art. 99 GG vorgezeichnet hat: die Organleihe. Continue reading >>

CILFIT in Strasbourg

On 19 February 2024, the European Court of Human Rights decided not to answer the Estonian Supreme Court’s request for an advisory opinion on the basis of Protocol 16 (P16). For the first time, it dismissed a request because it did not concern a question of principle concerning the interpretation and application of ECHR rights. The decision is significant because the ECtHR provides clear contours as to what types of questions courts should (not) ask. Continue reading >>
0

Waffenlieferungen als Staatsräson?

Rüstungsexporte nach Israel dürfen nicht genehmigt werden. Das ist der Tenor eines Urteils des niederländischen Berufungsgerichts in Den Haag vom 12. Februar diesen Jahres, das der niederländischen Regierung aufträgt, den Export von Bauteilen für F-35 Kampfjets nach Israel zu untersagen. Auch deutsche Kriegswaffenexporte nach Israel verstoßen gegen völkervertragsrechtliche Normen. Sie sind außenpolitisch bedenklich und sollten im Einklang mit nationalem Außenwirtschaftsrecht nicht aufrechterhalten werden. Continue reading >>
13 March 2024

Privileges Constrained

Last week, the Indian Supreme Court delivered its judgment in Sita Soren v. Union of India, holding that parliamentary privilege – the constitutionally recognized legal immunity of legislators – does not extend to bribe-taking for exercising their legislative vote or speech a certain way. In this blog post, I discuss the Court’s formulation of the essentiality test, as well as its conclusions on the availability of privilege for bribe-taking. I argue that while the ruling can strengthen democratic institutions since it protects the integrity of legislative processes, certain risks in the essentiality test’s composition – which risk depriving important legislative functions of privilege – must be addressed. Continue reading >>
0

Gefahr einer Versammlung

Der staatliche Umgang mit Demonstrationen in Sachsen, z.B. nach der Verurteilung von Lina E., hat bisher eher zu einer Zuspitzung der Lage als zu einer Deeskalation geführt. Damit sollte bald Schluss sein. Im Sächsischen Landtag wird derzeit ein neues Versammlungsgesetz diskutiert. Dem aktuellen Entwurf liegt allerdings eher das Bild der Versammlung als Gefahr und nicht als Mittel des demokratischen Diskurses zugrunde. Continue reading >>
0

What is Living and What is Dead in the Turkish Parliament?

On January 30th, 2024, the Turkish Parliament officially revoked the mandate of Can Atalay, an opposition MP representing the earthquake-affected city of Hatay. Atalay's incident, from its inception to the recent parliamentary drama, not only exposes the diminished authority of the Constitutional Court but also exemplifies the tacit cooperation among the regime's loyal officers—judges, MPs, or civil servants. In this subtle network, the Parliament occupies a peculiar place with its distinct symbolism, serving as a fig leaf for authoritarian politics. Continue reading >>
0
,

Conspicuously Absent

Nicaragua alleges that Germany violates the Genocide Convention and international humanitarian law by assisting Israel and also by failing to prevent violations of these bodies of law. It requests the International Court of Justice to indicate provisional measures, which would oblige Germany inter alia to stop assisting Israel. While the Court may be barred from exercising its jurisdiction over Nicaragua’s claims relating to the Genocide Convention it may be able to hear the claims regarding Germany’s duties under IHL. Continue reading >>
0
12 March 2024

Why Courts will not Stop Global Warming, but Climate Litigation is Still Useful

Despite the global trend of record temperatures and the increasing number of disasters caused by extreme weather events, the political impetus to combat global warming is weakening all over Europe. Not only far-right forces want to stop ambitious climate policy, but also other political parties tend to neglect this field. To counter those political forces, climate litigation tries to hold national governments accountable to their goals as enshrined in the Paris Agreement. Courts represent one of the arenas in the struggle for climate protection. However, the battle is ultimately won or lost in the legislative arena. Continue reading >>
0

How Populist Politicians Are Weakening the Kenyan Judiciary

The Kenyan President and his parliamentary allies are guilty of constitutional vandalism. In what has become an increasingly popular political move, they conveniently blame the judiciary for their unfulfilled promises, making the courts an easy target in a democracy backsliding. Lacking public outreach – judges neither organise rallies nor post on social media –, the judiciary has become a scapegoat to rally political support. While courts aren't beyond criticism, some attacks are self-serving, often from those with pending or impending court cases. Continue reading >>
0
11 March 2024

Weichenstellungen gegen drohenden Demokratieabbau

In vielen Parlamenten europäischer Staaten kooperieren konservative oder christdemokratische Parteien mit rechten Parteien. Rechtspopulistische Regierungsbeteiligungen bedeuten zumeist einen Demokratieabbau. Doch Deutschland muss sich diesem Trend nicht anschließen. Garant dafür, die extreme Rechte auf Abstand zur Exekutive zu halten, kann die CDU sein. Continue reading >>

Shipwreck after Shipwreck

On 26 February 2024, the European Ombudsman issued a decision OI/3/2023/MHZ on the fundamental rights obligations of Frontex with regard to search and rescue in the context of its maritime surveillance activities. While affirming Frontex’s compliance with the applicable rules and protocols, the inquiry exposed significant shortcomings in how the Agency handles maritime incidents, including the issuance of emergency signals. Given the persistent scale of recurrent shipwrecks, I argue that integrating AI systems into Frontex’s activities has the capacity to significantly improve the decision-making process in responding to boats in potential distress and the overall SAR system. Continue reading >>
0

A Constitutional Dignitary Conceived in the Orbán-Regime

On 26 February, Tamás Sulyok, the former President of the Hungarian Constitutional Court, was elected Head of State by the Parliament. The election of Tamás Sulyok as a member of the Constitutional Court and then as its president was part of the process during which Fidesz took over the Constitutional Court. Sulyok’s presidency (2016-2024) was a testimony to the fact that the Constitutional Court has become subservient to the Fidesz-dominated political branches, and there is no sign that he has actively tried to do anything against it. Based on what we have seen so far, therefore, Tamás Sulyok is part of the Orbán-regime, and nothing suggests that he will exercise greater autonomy and independence in his role as Head of State. Continue reading >>
0