Andrew Le Sueur

Imagining judges in a written UK Constitution

The tide of interest (among those who care about these […] Continue reading >>

Andrew Le Sueur

Imagining judges in a written UK Constitution

The tide of interest (among those who care about these […] Continue reading >>

Christopher Unseld

Ein weiterer Schritt zum unitarischen Grundrechtsschutz? Das Pfleger-Urteil des EuGH

Der Gerichtshof der Europäischen Union (EuGH) zeigt sich unbeeindruckt von der Kritik an seiner expansiven Rechtsprechung zum Anwendungsbereich der Grundrechte in Åkerberg Fransson. Stattdessen hat sich die dritte Kammer des EuGH in der Rechtsache Pfleger weiter vom engen Wortlaut der EU-Grundrechtecharta emanzipiert. Die Charta sieht in Art. 51 Abs. 1 Satz 1 vor, dass sie für die Mitgliedsstaaten „ausschließlich bei der Durchführung des Rechts der Union“ gilt. Im Urteil vom 30. April 2014 versteht der EuGH hierunter auch Konstellationen, bei denen ein Mitgliedsstaat von den Grundfreiheiten abweichen will. Damit hält sich der Gerichtshof eine weitere Möglichkeit offen, nur entfernt mit dem Unionsrecht verbundene Sachverhalte seinem Grundrechtsschutz zu unterstellen. Continue reading >>

Kim Lane Scheppele

Making Infringement Procedures More Effective: A Comment on Commission v. Hungary

On 8 April, Hungary lost again at the Court of Justice of the European Union (ECJ). The European Commission had alleged that that Hungary violated the independence of its data protection officer and the ECJ agreed. The case broke little new legal ground. But it is important nonetheless because it signals serious trouble within the EU. The case exposes Hungary’s ongoing challenge to the EU’s fundamental principles. And it exposes the limitations of ordinary infringement proceedings for bringing a Member State back into line. Continue reading >>

Pasquale Pasquino

Five Questions on the EP elections and the “Spitzenkandidat” process: Answers by PASQUALE PASQUINO

Five very brief answers by Pasquale Pasquino, political scientist from New York, to our five questions on the "Spitzenkandidat" process. Continue reading >>

Alexandra Kemmerer

A Priceless Gift: Francis Mann’s Papers Given to Humboldt University

This article is available only in German. Continue reading >>

Anuscheh Farahat

Auf dem Weg in die Mehrstaatigkeit?

Die Bundesregierung war zu Beginn der Legislaturperiode nah dran, das altmodische Konzept der Staatsangehörigkeit als "Krönung" des Integrationsprozesses durch ein inklusives und modernes Staatsangehörigkeitsrecht abzulösen. Der nun vorliegende Gesetzesentwurf erfüllt diese Hoffnung nicht. Die Koalitionspartner bleiben der hochgradig symbolischen Verbindung von nachgewiesener Integration und Staatsangehörigkeitserwerb verhaftet, anstatt die volle und gleichberechtigte Mitgliedschaft als Instrument zum empowerment und zur frühzeitigen Inklusion von Kindern ausländischer Eltern zu nutzen.The German government was very close to making an important step to finally dispose of the outdated understanding of nationality as a reward for integration in favour of a modern and inclusive regulation of citizenship. With the current proposal, the coalition holds on to the highly symbolic link between proven integration and acquisition of nationality instead of using full membership as a tool to empower and thereby include children of immigrants at the earliest possible moment. Continue reading >>

Kim Lane Scheppele

Legal but not Fair: Viktor Orbán’s New Supermajority

Viktor Orbán and his Fidesz party coasted to a clear victory in last weekend’s Hungarian election, as expected. The governing party got 45% of the vote, but the new “rules of the game” turned this plurality vote into two thirds of the seats in the parliament. A continuing two-thirds parliamentary majority allows Orbán to govern without constraint because he can change the constitution at will. But this constitution-making majority hangs by a thread. Orbán’s mandate to govern is clear because his party got more votes than any other single political bloc. What is not legitimate, however, is his two-thirds supermajority. Orbán was certainly not supported by two-thirds of Hungarians – nowhere close. In fact, a majority gave their votes to other parties. Orbán’s two-thirds victory was achieved through legal smoke and mirrors. Legal. But smoke and mirrors. Viktor Orbán and his Fidesz party coasted to a clear victory in last weekend’s Hungarian election, as expected. The governing party got 45% of the vote, but the new “rules of the game” turned this plurality vote into two thirds of the seats in the parliament. A continuing two-thirds parliamentary majority allows Orbán to govern without constraint because he can change the constitution at will. But this constitution-making majority hangs by a thread. Orbán’s mandate to govern is clear because his party got more votes than any other single political bloc. What is not legitimate, however, is his two-thirds supermajority. Orbán was certainly not supported by two-thirds of Hungarians – nowhere close. In fact, a majority gave their votes to other parties. Orbán’s two-thirds victory was achieved through legal smoke and mirrors. Legal. But smoke and mirrors. Continue reading >>

Kim Lane Scheppele

Legal but not Fair: Viktor Orbán’s New Supermajority

Viktor Orbán and his Fidesz party coasted to a clear victory in last weekend’s Hungarian election, as expected. The governing party got 45% of the vote, but the new “rules of the game” turned this plurality vote into two thirds of the seats in the parliament. A continuing two-thirds parliamentary majority allows Orbán to govern without constraint because he can change the constitution at will. But this constitution-making majority hangs by a thread. Orbán’s mandate to govern is clear because his party got more votes than any other single political bloc. What is not legitimate, however, is his two-thirds supermajority. Orbán was certainly not supported by two-thirds of Hungarians – nowhere close. In fact, a majority gave their votes to other parties. Orbán’s two-thirds victory was achieved through legal smoke and mirrors. Legal. But smoke and mirrors. Viktor Orbán and his Fidesz party coasted to a clear victory in last weekend’s Hungarian election, as expected. The governing party got 45% of the vote, but the new “rules of the game” turned this plurality vote into two thirds of the seats in the parliament. A continuing two-thirds parliamentary majority allows Orbán to govern without constraint because he can change the constitution at will. But this constitution-making majority hangs by a thread. Orbán’s mandate to govern is clear because his party got more votes than any other single political bloc. What is not legitimate, however, is his two-thirds supermajority. Orbán was certainly not supported by two-thirds of Hungarians – nowhere close. In fact, a majority gave their votes to other parties. Orbán’s two-thirds victory was achieved through legal smoke and mirrors. Legal. But smoke and mirrors. Continue reading >>