29 May 2024
Untying the Gordian Knot
Much like Alexander the Great’s “untying” of the mythical Gordian Knot in ancient Persia, tracking defamation litigation in this year’s US Presidential election season would appear to not only require formal legal training, but resort to some fairly unconventional tactics. But rather than slicing the metaphorical knot with brute force (as legend has it), this article shines a modest but revealing light on the history and principles of US defamation law to assist foreign jurists with its many technicalities and often perplexing uses. Continue reading >>
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05 March 2024
Trump and the American Problem of the Commons
Americans missed another opportunity on Monday to reduce the threat Donald Trump presents to constitutional democracy in the United States and in other countries. The Supreme Court in Trump v. Anderson unanimously overturned decisions that held Trump ineligible to run for the Presidency. Three justices acknowledged that Trump is an “oathbreaking insurrectionist.” None challenged that Trump committed treason on January 6. Nevertheless, in an unsigned per curium opinion that had some basis in policy, but little or no foundation in the constitutional text or history of the Fourteenth Amendment, the justices ruled that states had no power to determine whether persons were eligible for the presidency under Section 3. Continue reading >>20 February 2024
Who’s Afraid of Militant Democracy, U.S. Style
Yesterday, Professor Samuel Issacharoff asked “Can it really be that one public official in Maine can remove a national presidential candidate on her say-so?” Professor Issacharoff and I, as well as every proponent of disqualification I know of, agree on a basic point. Right-wing populist authoritarianism cannot be defeated by legal decree. Government by the people cannot be maintained by means other than government by the people. Disqualifying individual candidates who resort to violence when they lose the vote, however, does not raise the difficulties that concern Professor Issacharoff and are consistent with democratic rule. Continue reading >>
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08 June 2023
YouTube Updates its Policy on Election Misinformation
Last Friday, YouTube announced that it ‘will stop removing content that advances false claims that widespread fraud, errors, or glitches occurred in the 2020 and other past US Presidential elections’. This development has upsides and downsides, a few of which are worth sketching out, and all of which further accentuate why the US constitutional framework regarding online platform regulation requires updating. The nature of this update requires transcending a governance approach of overreliance on expecting good faith self-regulation by companies providing these intermediaries. Continue reading >>21 November 2022
Nein, Elon Musk, so geht Plattformdemokratie nicht
Nach einer Online-Abstimmung hat Elon Musk den Account von Donald Trump freigeschaltet: “The people have spoken. / Trump will be reinstated. / Vox Populi, Vox Dei”, schreibt er. Grundlage für die Entscheidung ware eine Online-Abstimmung mit 15 Millionen Teilnehmer*innen, die 51,8% zu 48,2% für eine Entsperrung ausgegangen ist. Doch so geht digitale Demokratie nicht, so geht Plattformregulierung nicht. Continue reading >>27 September 2022
Of Punks and Nerds
The 1970s and 80s brought about two new social archetypes – the punk and the nerd. While the anti-establishment punk wants to trash the (economic, political, social) system, wants to provoke and get attention for the sake of it, the nerd behaves rather inconspicuously but effectively. He might be socially awkward and overlooked at first, but skilled and smart as he is, he knows the rules of the game and the mechanisms to get ahead with his plans. When looking at different authoritarian leaders in the world today, these two archetypes come to mind. In this blogpost, I want to use these two archetype of authoritarian leaders to analyse their behaviour and sketch the contours of an analytical framework to compare and distinguish between them. Continue reading >>10 March 2022
Donald Trump’s Post-9/11 Presidency and the Legacy of Carl Schmitt
Shortly before Trump’s inauguration in 2016, I suggested that the president-elect might prove to be a chief executive in the mode of Carl Schmitt. Trump, though, represented something different. If the early Bush years were characterized by legal interpretations that pushed the edges of executive and sovereign power, Trump’s vision of the presidency was that of a man who had no interest in legal interpretation whatsoever. As he later said of the portion of the Constitution that spells out the details of presidential power, “I have an Article II, which allows me to do whatever I want.” Continue reading >>
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29 December 2020
Failing Efforts to Delegitimize the Incoming Biden Administration
When state actors ignore evidence – or in the case of allegations of widespread election fraud, the lack of evidence – toward obtaining some political advantage, the community’s evaluation of the condition of the rule of law comes out badly. Degradation of the rule of law today leaves it in a state of disrepair tomorrow and alleviating harm to the way in which people morally appraise their legal system is not an easy fix. Continue reading >>
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