Revenge in the Big Village
The EC’s 2024 Rule of Law report is yet another indicator of the deterioration of constitutional standards in Slovakia. Next to outlining selected key developments of Slovakia’s illiberalization in 2024, this post underscores how the small jurisdiction’s size in combination with its relatively isolated doctrinal legal academia could hamper the development of robust democratic constitutional discourse and thus legal academics’ contribution to democracy.
Continue reading >>Jurisprudence of Convenience
Last month, in Nipun Malhotra v. Sony Pictures Film India Private Ltd, the Indian Supreme Court delivered an opinion on the limits of protected speech under Article 19(1) of the Indian Constitution. While the opinion touched upon several important aspects of the free speech right, it is replete with behavioral guidance, and its language makes it hard to discern the binding legal principles. I argue that courts should approach cases involving hard questions of constitutional law with extreme caution in terms of their potential implication on the growth (or absence) of a consistent doctrine.
Continue reading >>The Fabulous and the Fascist
The last ten years have witnessed the gradual collapse of democracy and constitutionalism in India. Where do LGBT rights figure in all this? I contextualize the wins and the losses and discuss why LGBT rights in India are not “under attack” as they have been under authoritarian governments elsewhere.
Continue reading >>To Hell, on a White Horse
Slovakia voted on the final day of September 2023. The electoral rhetoric, results and subsequent coalition-building give grounds to expect illiberal constitutional changes. More attention is needed towards the Constitutional Court’s capacity to resist such illiberalization, as Slovakia may join Hungary in a revamped illiberal Visegrad alliance.
Continue reading >>A Win for LGBT Rights in Namibia
In the recent case of Digashu and Seiler-Lilles the Namibian Supreme Court held that denying the recognition of same-sex spouses under the Immigration Control Act 1993 was not only a violation of the right to dignity under the Namibian Constitution, but also amounted to unfair discrimination. While limited in scope, the judgement is a win for the rights of LGBTQIA+ persons in a jurisdiction where they remain mostly unrecognized. It is also notable for its use of comparativism as a deliberative resource.
Continue reading >>The Dilemma of Technocracy
A few months before general elections that might result in Slovakia joining Hungary's and Poland's illiberal takeover in Central Europe, its technocratic government is in crisis. This post shows how the weaknesses of Slovakia’s constitutional design have fueled the present malaise, and details the lessons we should draw from it for ordering the relationship between the head of state, parliament and the executive in other parliamentary systems with a directly elected president.
Continue reading >>“Tuhindi Article” (“The Articles Were Yours”)
Through what was described with war-time imageries of a “constitutional surgical strike” and a “constitutional siege”, in August 2019 a radical change was made to what innocuously appeared earlier in the Constitution of India as Article 370. This blog post will attempt to problematise the use of the Indian constitutional framework in the engagement with Jammu and Kashmir. It will also hint towards an alternative role where the use of the Constitutional framework can, despite its limitations, make space for questions of self-determination, and contested sovereignties.
Continue reading >>‘You are not alone’
For those who read last week’s news in constitutional justice, it would have been easy to miss the Fifth Congress of the World Conference on Constitutional Justice (WCCJ) on the theme ‘Constitutional Justice and Peace’ that was organized in Indonesia five years after the previous edition held in Lithuania. While featured on the Venice Commission’s website, the Congress was no prominent news in constitutionalist platforms, despite bringing together judges from 94 countries, many of whom are prominent academics in their respective jurisdictions, or even internationally. As this congress shows, constitutional courts can engage with academics, and are well positioned to do so, given they often contain judges with academic careers and experience. Such engagement might empower both institutions to respond to global autocratization more effectively.
Continue reading >>Roots of the EU Tree
The European Citizens’ Panels (ECP) are part of the Conference on the Future of Europe and provide randomly selected citizens with the opportunity to articulate their visions of the EU. The author participated in the second ECP and points out the risk of separating EU values from each other by locating them in different deliberation streams.
Continue reading >>Neglected Actors at the Conference on the Future of Europe
Judges are prominent actors with a significant impact on European integration. Yet, no references to them appear in the Joint Declaration on the Conference on the Future of Europe. This corresponds to a view, unsustainable in the age of extensive access to information, that judges sit in ivory towers and speak exclusively through their decisions that other actors then explain to the broader public.
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