12 April 2023
Wie die EU durch das Spitzenkandidatensystem ihre illiberalen Regime in Ungarn und Polen bekämpfen könnte
Die Europäische Union scheint unfähig zu sein, gegen die illiberalen Regime in Polen und Ungarn erfolgreich vorzugehen. Dabei hält sich der Irrglaube, dass die EU keine rechtlichen Mittel zur Verfügung habe, um gegen diese undemokratischen Staaten anzukämpfen. Dies ist nicht der Fall. Die EU hat und hatte schon immer die nötigen Mittel zur Hand, die jedoch auch tatsächlich genutzt werden müssten. Der notwendige Schritt, um dies zu garantieren, ist so einfach wie wirksam. Die EU muss das Spitzenkandidatensystem für die Europäische Kommission wiedereinsetzen. Continue reading >>
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17 October 2022
Three misconceptions about the EU rule of law crisis
There are three major academic and political misconceptions concerning the EU rule of law crisis. The first mistake is already in the denomination, as the name ‘rule of law crisis’ is actually misleading, the second is to believe that ‘the EU does not have the necessary legal tools’, and the third is to conceive it as a ‘crisis only in the Member States affected’. These misconceptions make the crisis look narrower and less threatening than what it actually is, while also offering excuses for inaction. Continue reading >>
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11 December 2021
How to Return from a Hybrid Regime to Constitutionalism in Hungary
Revolutionary proponents of instant radical solutions are offering Jacobin moralist arguments about the evilness of the old legal system and enthusiastic political slogans about a bright future under the new Constitution, but they are staying silent about the most likely outcome of their plans: massive armed violence. Continue reading >>
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22 December 2020
How to Quantify a Proportionate Financial Punishment in the New EU Rule of Law Mechanism?
The principle of a proportionate financial measure enshrined in the new EU rule of law mechanism should be informed by an improved EU Justice Scoreboard (EUJS) drawing on rule of law indices. Thereby, the sensitive matter of determining the amount could be supported also by quantitative data. This is important, because the Commission will face high political pressure when acting under the new rule of law mechanism. Continue reading >>
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09 October 2020
The Fading International Influence of German Constitutional Thinking
German constitutional thinking has been central in EU law, in ECHR law, and even in some domestic constitutional systems outside of Germany. It is, however, gradually and unstoppably losing influence in Europe. This is largely due to the fact that Karlsruhe has lost its status as the most influential court in constitutional issues in Europe, with this title now belonging to the Strasbourg Court and likely to do so for the foreseeable future. This trend (i.e. the fading international influence of German constitutional thinking) cannot be reversed by German constitutional lawyers, as it is the result of major institutional and structural (“tectonic”) changes that have taken place over the last 20-25 years. German lawyers can, however, somewhat mitigate this trend by constructively participating in the formation of a common European Constitutional Language (in English). Continue reading >>
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15 July 2020
Moral Dilemmas of Teaching Constitutional Law in an Autocratizing Country
We often (here and here) talk about the methodological challenges that autocratizing regimes pose to constitutional scholars. However, so far we have not given enough attention to the moral dilemmas that constitutional law scholars face on a daily basis when teaching at universities that are geographically located in autocratizing countries. Constitutional law professors in such regimes are today facing moral dilemmas that they definitely did not sign up for when they originally chose their jobs. Traditionally, in continental legal cultures, university education focuses on doctrinal-conceptual legal thinking (Rechtsdogmatik) which systematizes elements of positive law (legal provisions, judicial decisions) along key concepts, with the help of doctrinal academic writings. All this presupposes a minimum level of the rule of law, and exactly this is fading away in autocratizing countries. Continue reading >>25 June 2020
Bringing a Hammer to the Chess Board
In cases where constitutional law is slowly losing its normative force, sophisticated doctrinal-conceptual systems (Verfassungsdogmatik) may even become ridiculous and, to some degree, dishonest. While showing a very few examples of doctrinal absurdities in a judgment of a captured and subservient constitutional court can be meaningful (also in order to corroborate the claim about its captured nature), writing a thorough doctrinal analysis on such a judgment is a futile, frustrating and meaningless exercise. A thorough doctrinal analysis can even legitimize the theater of legalism by taking seriously words which are not worth to be taken seriously. Judicial decisions of captured courts and doctrinal writings of pro-autocracy academics in these countries can be viewed as merely performative acts (as opposed to reasons). Continue reading >>25 May 2020
The Bundesbank is under a legal obligation to ignore the PSPP Judgment of the Bundesverfassungsgericht
If there is a situation undermining the rule of law, then it is exactly this: The Bundesbank is under a legal obligation to ignore the PSPP Judgment of the Bundesverfassungsgericht (under EU law), and the Bundesbank is under a legal obligation to follow the PSPP Judgment of the Bundesverfassungsgericht (under German constitutional law). How has it come to this? Continue reading >>31 March 2019
How to Defend the Integrity of the EP Elections against Authoritarian Member States
The elections to the European Parliament will take place in a few weeks’ time. There is a clear danger that some of the new MEPs will gain their mandates in elections organised by Member States that are not up to democratic standards. The European Parliament should try to defend itself from being infiltrated by MEPs with questionable democratic mandates. It already possesses the competence which is necessary for it, in the form of mandate validation. Continue reading >>30 October 2018
Iudex calculat: Why Constitutional Scholars Should Surmount their Allergy to Numbers
Law students often mention poor math scores as a reason to elect their course of study. Refugees of a world increasingly dominated by numbers and number-crunchers, jurists often wear the adage “iudex non calculat” as a badge of honour. Surmounting the discipline’s allergy to numbers could do some good not just to constitutional judges but also to the scholarship that concerns itself with the discussion of the constitutional texts they are supposed to apply but also with the decisions they churn out. Continue reading >>
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