Kalika Mehta, Atel Ongee Paito
This article is an attempt to add layers to the discussions of ongoing mass atrocities committed in several parts of the world by discussing an under-reported situation of large scale violence unfolding in Sudan since April 2023, in the hope that the ‘international community’ can address multiple catastrophic situations with similar urgency, mobilise for justice for all peoples, end the culture of impunity, and eventually shift the discourse towards the structural causes of such large-scale violence in different parts of the world.
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Isabelle Hassfurther
Two years have passed since Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine – an act of aggression which 141 states of the UN General Assembly (UNGA) condemned as such shortly after. This crime of aggression has brought unimaginable suffering to the people of Ukraine. As this blog will highlight in the following, a reform of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC) concerning the crime of aggression is necessary and long overdue. The current jurisdictional regime leaves accountability gaps, which have become painfully visible in the past two years. Plausible suggestions for the reform are already out there – it ultimately “all depends on the political will” of the 124 ICC state parties.
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Kai Ambos
Die Bundesregierung hat am 1.11.2023 ihren Regierungsentwurf zur Reform des Völkerstrafrechts vorgelegt und der Bundestag hat ihn am 30.11.2023 in erster Lesung beraten. Nun ist der federführende Rechtsausschuss am Zug! Der Regierungsentwurf sieht vor allem Änderungen des VStGB, der StPO sowie des GVG vor, um „Strafbarkeitslücken zu schließen, Opferrechte zu stärken und die Breitenwirkung völkerstrafrechtlicher Prozesse und Urteile zu verbessern.“ (S. 10). Er schweigt aber zum zentralen Grundsatz der (funktionalen) Immunität. Diese Lücke sollte im Gesetzgebungsverfahren geschlossen werden.
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