29 April 2026
Ein Mandat zur Selbstbegrenzung
Der Wahlsieg der TISZA in Ungarn ist historisch. Gerade deshalb verlangt er politische Zurückhaltung. Denn auch die von TISZA errungene Zweidrittelmehrheit ist nicht einfach Ausdruck eines schrankenlosen gesellschaftlichen Konsenses, sondern Ergebnis eines Wahlrechts, das bereits in vergangenen Wahlzyklen die jeweils stärkste politische Kraft unverhältnismäßig stark belohnte. Wie es zu diesem Umstand kam, verrät ein Blick in die Geschichte der ungarischen Wahlgesetze seit dem Systemwechsel von 1989/90. Continue reading >>
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14 April 2026
The Case for Constitutional Disobedience
With Péter Magyar’s landslide victory in the Hungarian parliamentary elections in April 2026, hopes of a return to democracy have rarely been as high as now. The electoral victory has the potential to turn into a constitutional moment for Hungary, yet it is overshadowed by a profound constitutional dilemma: Is it justified to disobey the constitution to rebuild democracy and the rule of law? I argue that constitutional disobedience may not only be justified but legally required in favour of substantive constitutional values and democratic rebuilding. Continue reading >>09 April 2026
Beating (Authoritarian) Populism with (Democratic) Populism
Viktor Orbán, Hungary’s prime minister since 2010, is set to lose the parliamentary elections on 12 April 2026. According to recent polls, Fidesz’ main rival, centre-right Tisza, seems to be within reach of attaining a two-thirds constitutional majority. While this may provide conditions for re-establishing democratic institutions, it also implies that Tisza would not be constrained by any meaningful democratic controls. Avoiding the double trap of meeting populist expectations and stabilizing institutionally unconstrained powers are two major tasks the new government needs to perform. Continue reading >>
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