08 Juni 2023
YouTube Updates its Policy on Election Misinformation
Last Friday, YouTube announced that it ‘will stop removing content that advances false claims that widespread fraud, errors, or glitches occurred in the 2020 and other past US Presidential elections’. This development has upsides and downsides, a few of which are worth sketching out, and all of which further accentuate why the US constitutional framework regarding online platform regulation requires updating. The nature of this update requires transcending a governance approach of overreliance on expecting good faith self-regulation by companies providing these intermediaries. Continue reading >>
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21 November 2022
Nein, Elon Musk, so geht Plattformdemokratie nicht
Nach einer Online-Abstimmung hat Elon Musk den Account von Donald Trump freigeschaltet: “The people have spoken. / Trump will be reinstated. / Vox Populi, Vox Dei”, schreibt er. Grundlage für die Entscheidung ware eine Online-Abstimmung mit 15 Millionen Teilnehmer*innen, die 51,8% zu 48,2% für eine Entsperrung ausgegangen ist. Doch so geht digitale Demokratie nicht, so geht Plattformregulierung nicht. Continue reading >>27 September 2022
Of Punks and Nerds
The 1970s and 80s brought about two new social archetypes – the punk and the nerd. While the anti-establishment punk wants to trash the (economic, political, social) system, wants to provoke and get attention for the sake of it, the nerd behaves rather inconspicuously but effectively. He might be socially awkward and overlooked at first, but skilled and smart as he is, he knows the rules of the game and the mechanisms to get ahead with his plans. When looking at different authoritarian leaders in the world today, these two archetypes come to mind. In this blogpost, I want to use these two archetype of authoritarian leaders to analyse their behaviour and sketch the contours of an analytical framework to compare and distinguish between them. Continue reading >>10 März 2022
Donald Trump’s Post-9/11 Presidency and the Legacy of Carl Schmitt
Shortly before Trump’s inauguration in 2016, I suggested that the president-elect might prove to be a chief executive in the mode of Carl Schmitt. Trump, though, represented something different. If the early Bush years were characterized by legal interpretations that pushed the edges of executive and sovereign power, Trump’s vision of the presidency was that of a man who had no interest in legal interpretation whatsoever. As he later said of the portion of the Constitution that spells out the details of presidential power, “I have an Article II, which allows me to do whatever I want.” Continue reading >>
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29 Dezember 2020
Failing Efforts to Delegitimize the Incoming Biden Administration
When state actors ignore evidence – or in the case of allegations of widespread election fraud, the lack of evidence – toward obtaining some political advantage, the community’s evaluation of the condition of the rule of law comes out badly. Degradation of the rule of law today leaves it in a state of disrepair tomorrow and alleviating harm to the way in which people morally appraise their legal system is not an easy fix. Continue reading >>
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29 Juli 2020
Schrems II: The Right to Privacy and the New Illiberalism
This post unpacks the implications of Schrems II for this new, unstable, and in many instances, illiberal political landscape. A number of excellent posts on this blog have already examined the impact of Schrems II on the corporate actors that transfer EU data globally. My focus here is on how Schrems II and the CJEU’s evolving jurisprudence on the right to privacy can be read as targeting the political developments of recent years. Continue reading >>
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30 Juni 2020
Corona Constitutional #39: Stare Decisis
Gestern hat der US Supreme Court ein Gesetz gekippt, das eine Abtreibung im Bundesstaat Louisiana nahezu unmöglich gemacht hätte. Die entscheidende Stimme kam von Chief Justice Roberts, einem erzkonservativen Abtreibungsgegner. Während sich Liberale erfreut die Augen reiben und das Weiße Haus ein “unglückliches Urteil” beklagt, wird STEPHEN F. ROSS von der Penn State Law School misstrauisch: Könnte es sein, dass Trumps scheinbarer Rückschlag eigentlich ein Wahlkampfgeschenk ist — in Abtreibungsdebatte verpackt und mit verfassungsrechtlichem Schleifchen verziert? Diese These bespricht er im heutigen Podcast-Interview mit Max Steinbeis. Continue reading >>
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