Zwischen Moralgesetzgebung und empirischer Ungewissheit
Seit 2021 verbietet § 184l StGB den Besitz von Sexpuppen mit kindlichem Erscheinungsbild. Schon im Gesetzgebungsverfahren stieß das Verbot auf erhebliche Kritik. Dabei geht es um die Frage, ob der Staat diese moralische Ablehnung überhaupt mit den Mitteln des Strafrechts durchsetzen darf. Das Bundesverfassungsgericht ließ nun die Gelegenheit ungenutzt, die verfassungsrechtlichen Grenzen einer solchen strafrechtlichen Ahndung zu markieren. Stattdessen verengt der Beschluss den absolut geschützten Kernbereich privater Lebensgestaltung.
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Die Sperrklausel als Bumerang
Im September könnte in Sachsen-Anhalt eine rechtsextreme Partei die Landesregierung stellen. Dabei ist die AfD von einer absoluten Mehrheit der Stimmen weit entfernt: In keiner Umfrage wollen mehr als 42 % der Wähler*innen in Sachsen-Anhalt der Partei ihre Stimme geben. Eine deutliche Mehrheit der Wahlberechtigten will keine rechtsextreme Partei an der Regierung. Und doch könnte die Fünf-Prozent-Hürde die AfD an die Macht bringen. Das wäre Ergebnis einer ohnehin demokratisch problematischen Regelung, die ihren Zweck zunehmend verfehlt und daher gestrichen gehört.
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The Limits of Representation
Artificial Intelligence can produce biased outputs. In part, this is because unrepresentative data is used to train, validate and test AI. To remedy skewed datasets and train fairer AI, many call for more comprehensive and systematic data production and processing about diverse people’s bodies and lives, including disabled people. Yet this response rests on a number of assumptions. Drawing on disability data, I argue that we should be cautious about these assumptions when regulating AI.
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Ein unabhängiger Trigger für das Parteiverbot
Am 7. Juli 2026 entschied das Europäische Parlament mit breiter Mehrheit, prüfen zu lassen, ob die Europe of Sovereign Nations Party (ESN) aus dem Register der europäischen politischen Parteien gestrichen werden soll. Ausgelöst hatte die Entscheidung ein Schreiben der Authority for European Political Parties and European Political Foundations (APPF). Im deutschen Parteiverbotsverfahren gibt es keine vergleichbare Option, mit einer unabhängigen Unterrichtung die Überprüfung einer Partei anzustoßen, ohne das politische Ermessen der Antragsberechtigten einzuschränken. Dabei könnte das deutsche Parteiverbotsverfahren von einer ergänzenden Absicherung durch einen Triggermechanismus nach europäischem Vorbild profitieren.
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When Lady Justice Lifts Her Blindfold, Briefly
Justice, one could say, did not take off her blindfold on July 7th – but she did lift it, just a fraction, long enough to check in with political reality. Paris’s court of appeal upheld Marine Le Pen’s conviction for misappropriating public funds, yet softened the 2025 ban on her running for office just enough to keep a presidential bid in 2027 on the table. The guilty verdict stands – it is the sentence that now intrudes less directly into the democratic arena.
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Grenzen der Werteverwaltung
Am 7. Juli hat das Europäische Parlament dafür gestimmt, zu überprüfen, ob die „Partei der Souveränen Nationen“ im Einklang mit den europäischen Werten steht. Diese Überprüfung übernimmt eine Behörde, die nicht in das übliche Schema administrativer Politikdelegation passt. Mit ihr überträgt man einen politisch sensiblen Bereich in ein Verwaltungsverfahren, in dem es zwischen administrativer Problembewältigungsstrategie und demokratischer Legitimation zu Spannungen kommt. Das Verfahren könnte damit das Defizit der europäischen Parteiendemokratie verschärfen.
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A Human Right to be Fossil Fuel Free?
Australia is a country highly vulnerable to the impacts of climate change, with the weathered, arid continent frequently buffeted by fires, floods, heatwaves and storms. It is also one of the largest exporters globally of fossil fuels, coal and gas. Situated close to Pacific Islands existentially threatened by climate-fuelled rising seas, Australia is a constitutional democracy with an active civil society, an abiding commitment to the rule of international law and this year holds the role of “President of the Negotiations” for the UN climate summit, COP31. These contradictory forces play out in Australia’s domestic climate policy and are at the heart of a new international complaint – labelled the “Hard Truths” case.
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The Past is Never Past
On June 11, 2026, the German automotive company Volkswagen was convicted in four different lawsuits by the Brazilian Labor Court for reducing people to slavery in the Brazilian Amazon. While this judgment marks the company’s second round of convictions for enslavement within the Amazonian state of Pará, it stands out as a historic first in the form of individual reparations for corporate crimes committed nearly fifty years ago. This opens the way for a new era of reckoning with several other companies that committed similar crimes in the past and to this day have never been brought to justice.
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The New Constitutional Amendment and the Removal of the President
On 13 July 2026, the Hungarian Parliament enacted the 17th Amendment to the Hungarian Fundamental Law. In line with the TISZA Party’s election manifesto, the Amendment ends the current President of the Republic’s, Tamás Sulyok’s, term of office. This is undoubtedly an extraordinary measure. Given the President’s apparent partiality and his failure to respond consistently to earlier illiberal constitutional developments, I consider the exceptional and temporary constitutional change to be justified as part of the broader effort to lay the foundations of a renewed constitutional order.
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Beyond Constitutional Groundhog Day
In May 2026, Scottish voters once again returned the Scottish National Party (SNP) to power for the fifth successive Scottish Parliamentary election. The pro-independence SNP will bring up twenty years in government at Edinburgh next year. With the SNP promising another independence referendum but not having a legal mechanism to provide one, and polling on that issue still sat at about 50-50, the Scottish political Groundhog Day looks set to continue. Beneath the stasis, however, there is movement in Scottish constitutional politics.
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CURRENT DEBATES
European Society After Commission v Hungary
The landmark judgment in Commission v Hungary has opened a new chapter in the history of EU law. In this decision, the CJEU not only held that Article 2 TEU can be invoked as a self-standing provision in infringement proceedings but also acknowledged the existence of a European society, in which certain values prevail – a historic first. In this symposium, we aim at showing the diverse ways in which scholars from law, philosophy, and the social sciences reflect on European society, in and beyond Commission v Hungary.
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Inter-Judicial Dialogue on Climate Change and Human Rights
This symposium brings together judges, practitioners, and scholars from the European, Inter-American, and African regional human rights systems to examine climate change as a human rights challenge, tracing shared legal questions, divergent doctrinal responses, and the growing importance of inter-judicial dialogue in shaping transnational climate justice.
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Volume 7,
Issue 2
July 2025
JUS COGENS
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Killing Hitler Word by Word: The Oath as Apocalyptic Lawmaking
GREGOR NOLL
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Adjudicating Climate Protest as a Tool of Modern Republicanism
DMITRII KUZNETSOV
OUR LATEST PUBLICATION
Christophe Geiger & Bernd Justin Jütte (eds.)
Enabling Access, Fostering Innovation: Towards a Digital Knowledge Agenda in Europe
Access to knowledge and information is essential to foster innovation. In the EU, existing copyright rules pose significant barriers to research and education. Instead of promoting access to knowledge resources, copyright creates legal uncertainty for researchers and educators and enables information intermediaries to exercise strict control over the use of protected works. This edited volume proposes ways out of the copyright conundrum by rethinking copyright as an access right.
Discover the Open Access digital edition here.
EDITORIAL
Erfurt Shines
Last weekend I was in Erfurt, the place where the authoritarian-populist AfD party held its annual federal convention. On Saturday I got up at the crack of dawn to help block the AfD delegates from reaching the assembly hall. Was I supposed to do that? As managing director of a legal-scholarly discourse platform should I not have remained neutral? The demand to forbid oneself from discriminating between non-banned parties loyal to the constitution and non-banned parties hostile to it is questionable not only insofar as it is addressed to democratic civil society, but also and especially insofar as it is addressed to scholarship.
VB SECURITY AND CRIME
In cooperation with:
VB Security and Crime is a cooperation of the Max Planck Institute for the Study of Crime, Security and Law (MPI-CSL) and the Verfassungsblog in the areas of public security law and criminal law. The MPI-CSL Institute is a member of the Max Planck Law network.