03 July 2024
Putting the Record Straight About the Spitzenkandidaten
In the last few weeks, a great deal of nonsense has been said about the concept of the Spitzenkandidat. Some accuse the European Parliament of a power grab, subrogating the lawful role of the European Council in choosing the new Commission President. Others trivialise the role of the Parliament and doubt the democratic credentials of the process. Many believe that the candidate must always be drawn from the largest party come what may. All these assertions are wrong. The election of the Commission President is a joint endeavour between Parliament and Commission, democratically legitimate, and fully in conformity with EU law. Continue reading >>
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22 March 2024
How to Avoid Another Botched EU Enlargement by Sticking to the Rules
Is the European Union once again about to duck the challenge of constitutional reform? Even the imperative of Ukraine’s accession does not impel the EU to strengthen its governance. The European Parliament has made formal proposals to change the treaty from unanimity to QMV. The Commission equivocates. The European Council simply sits on the dossier, looking for excuse after excuse. Worse, a new idea is being floated in Brussels that mixes bad law with bad politics. The ruse is to use Article 49 TEU, the accession clause, instead of Article 48. I explain here why this approach will neither help Ukraine nor salvage the Union’s self-respect. Continue reading >>16 February 2024
In Search of a Methodical Approach to Seat Apportionment in the European Parliament
The European Parliament is once again trying to tackle the problem of how to apportion its seats between member states. In one of those rare Treaty instances, Parliament is obliged to initiate this procedure itself [Article 14(2) TEU]. It has so far failed in this obligation, and finding a decent solution still proves difficult. However, on 14 February 2024, the Parliament’s Constitutional Affairs Committee (AFCO) organised a workshop to consider three alternative formulae, all of which respect the principle of degressive proportionality. The blog outlines these proposals and explicates the challenges of the search for a methodical approach to seat apportionment in the European Parliament. Continue reading >>
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08 June 2018
New Paradigms for the European Parliament
Without strong leadership Europe’s right-wing movements will remain a disparate band at next year’s European Parliament elections. There is one man who knows this: Viktor Orbán. The real battle next year will not be centred on Potemkin-like Spitzenkandidaten, but will polarise around Emmanuel Macron and Viktor Orbán. Continue reading >>25 February 2018
EU Leaders’ Agenda: Who’s Afraid of Reforms?
Last Friday’s ‘informal’ meeting of the European Council was a key moment in what its President, Donald Tusk, proudly calls his Leaders’ Agenda. Tusk wanted the event to prove that the heads of government are in charge of the EU constitutive process, and to prevent either the European Parliament or the Commission from seizing the initiative. As such it misfired. Continue reading >>12 September 2017
Is the European Parliament Missing its Constitutional Moment?
Over the years, step by step, the European Parliament has won a share of real constitutional power. At times, Parliament has had a decisive influence on the constitutive development of the European Union. At other times, MEPs have found it just as difficult as the European Council has done to make constitutional sense of a Union which is an uneasy compromise between federal and confederal elements. If EU governance is congenitally weak it may be because its institutions are unable to manage the dichotomy between supranational and intergovernmental. Today, circumstances have thrown the European Parliament a golden opportunity to take a major step in the federal direction – but it looks as though MEPs are going to retreat again. Continue reading >>04 July 2016
Everything you need to know about Article 50 (but were afraid to ask)
After the Brexit referendum, the new prime minister cannot dodge the fact that Article 50 is the only legal way for the UK to secede and that he or she, therefore, has a duty to pull the trigger. Not to deploy Article 50 would result in an even more disorderly situation than we have now. Article 50 it is. And if it were done, it were best done quickly. Continue reading >>26 January 2016
David Cameron’s EU reform claims: If not ‘ever closer union’, what?
UK Prime Minister David Cameron claims that the reforms he seeks for Britain will be good for the European Union as a whole. That proposition deserves examination. Here we focus on only one, but the most totemic of his demands – namely that the UK wins a ‘formal, legally-binding and irreversible’ exemption from the EU’s historic mission of ‘ever closer union of the peoples of Europe’. Jobs and immigration might stir the masses in the referendum campaign, but it is the issue of ‘ever closer union’ that divides most sharply the sovereignists from the federalists and could, if mishandled, do severe collateral damage to the rest of the EU. Continue reading >>
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01 December 2015
Why the British demands on national parliaments must be resisted
Six years ago today, the Treaty of Lisbon came into force, introducing an early warning system for national parliaments concerned with the principle of subsidiarity. UK Prime Minister David Cameron has called for more incisive rights of national parliaments to block EU legislation. The UK government, which normally preens itself on its flexibility and pragmatism, is trying to impose a one-size-fits-all approach on national parliaments, ignoring their very different mandates, powers, practices, timetables and levels of political interest and staff support. The fact is that waving subsidiarity cards is the least important EU function of national parliaments. Continue reading >>18 November 2015