The Judicial

Resilience Project

The Judicial Resilience Project

© David Frank, for Power for Democracy Award by Philip Morris GmbH

Across the globe, independent courts are facing increasing pressure from authoritarian populism. How vulnerable is the judiciary in Germany – both at the federal and state level?

Across the globe, independent courts are facing increasing pressure from authoritarian populism. How vulnerable is the judiciary in Germany – both at the federal and state levels?

We aim to dissect this question in our new research project.

The Project

The Project

On Verfassungsblog, we have long been analysing the strategies of authoritarian-populist forces. Their goal is to undermine democratic institutions in order to seize power — gradually, from within, often without openly breaking the law. Once in power, they do everything they can to hold onto it.

Following the conclusion of our Thuringia Project, we now want to broaden our perspective to the Federal Republic as a whole. Based on our findings from the Thuringia Project, we have decided to investigate a particularly urgent issue: the vulnerability of an independent and impartial judiciary at both the federal and state level.

Many international examples show that courts can be both an obstacle and a tool for authoritarian populists in pursuing their strategy. How can they disrupt the judicial system? Where are the weaknesses in court organization and judicial appointments? And how resilient are constitutional courts?

FAQ

The Judicial Resilience Project is a research initiative launched by Verfassungsblog to examine the vulnerability of the judiciary in Germany. Around the world, authoritarian populism is increasingly exerting pressure on independent and impartial courts. Israel, Taiwan, Mexico — weakening the judiciary has long ceased to be limited to Hungary and the U.S. Verfassungsblog has been closely monitoring many of these developments for years. We don’t want to wait until it’s too late — and have thus decided to launch an investigation into the resilience of the German judiciary with the Judicial Resilience Project:

How vulnerable is the German judiciary — at both the federal and state level?

The aim of the project is:

a) to analyse, through a comprehensive risk assessment, how vulnerable the judiciary is to the strategies of authoritarian populists and to identify key weaknesses and entry points for judicial backsliding.

b) to generate and disseminate legal and political science research on issues in this area that has so far been insufficiently explored.

c) to raise awareness of the judiciary’s vulnerability at both the federal and state level.

Here. The Judicial Resilience Project gives concrete form to the ‘Projekt Bundesrepublik’. We are concentrating our efforts on what we see as the most pressing issue in the years ahead: the vulnerability of the judiciary at both federal and state level.

News

News

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Blogposts

Stopping the Davids, Shielding the Goliaths

In Barbara v. Trump, an individual federal district court judge stopped the Administration’s birthright citizenship executive order nationwide. Just when the Supreme Court said this was not allowed in Trump v. CASA, a New Hampshire judge ordered universal relief, this time through a class action. There is a big difference between a nationwide injunction that benefits non-parties and a class action that benefits class members. But what they have in common is that they both empower the “little guy” to enforce the rule of law. The Supreme Court has eliminated the former and is now trying to kneecap the latter.
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Legalising Authoritarianism through Pakistan’s Supreme Court

On 7 May 2025, Pakistan’s Supreme Court overturned its own previous judgment from October 2023 that had declared military trials of civilians unconstitutional. The newly constituted Constitutional Bench reinstated clauses of the Pakistan Army Act that allow for the prosecution of civilians in military courts. The ruling was justified on national security grounds, citing the need to prosecute attacks by civilians on military installations, a rationale that conflates dissent with terrorism and bypasses the safeguards of civilian legal processes. This decision not only reverses prior precedent but also marks a troubling endorsement of military jurisdiction over civilian matters, raising fundamental concerns about the erosion of judicial independence and the rule of law.
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A Tarnished Institution from Its Start

June 1st was a historical day for Mexico. The Mexican people – or, more precisely, around 13% of the electorate – went to the ballots to democratically elect their judges for the first time. The newly elected 2681 public officials, which will be announced in the following weeks, will serve in the local and federal judiciary, including the Supreme Court, and solve all types of disputes. While MORENA promises that the amendment will grant Mexico a reinvigorated judicial branch, it is instead getting a newly elected judiciary whose legitimacy has been tarnished from its very start.
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Legality Over Accountability?

On April 23, 2025, public prosecutors in Guatemala executed an arrest warrant against Luis Pacheco, the Deputy Energy Minister. This case is only the latest in a series of politically motivated prosecutions that place the Attorney General at the center of Guatemala’s democratic backsliding. She has systematically targeted journalists, public officials and civil society actors, undermining democracy, the rule of law, and fundamental rights. What can be done when legal mechanisms to hold public officials accountable are effectively blocked? When there are credible grounds to believe that a public official is abusing their mandate, accountability must take precedence in legal and political debate.
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Criminalising the Legal Profession

Lawyers and bar associations in Turkey have long faced political and legal pressure. The court case against the Istanbul Bar Association that led to the dismissal of its executive board and the criminal prosecution of board members is another troubling instance of such pressure. The case exemplifies how authoritarian regimes increasingly criminalise lawyers and professional organisations that speak out against rights violations.
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Governing in the Shadow of Indictments

Israel has been experiencing fierce conflicts between the Prime Minister and the government on the one hand and prominent public officials on the other. Two such conflicts have occupied the public discourse in recent weeks: the conflict between the government and both the Attorney General (Gali Barahav-Miara) and the head of the internal security service (Ronen Bar). In both cases, the government's attempt to remove these officials from office has run into legal difficulties, grounded in accusations concerning conflict of interest, which stem from two opposing principles within administrative law.
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“Legal Empowerment Can Be Transformative”

How can judicial independence be strengthened in a world of increasing political and economic pressures? In this interview, Margaret Satterthwaite explores innovative solutions and challenges facing justice systems in Latin America and beyond.
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Gaming Procedure, Gutting Due Process

The Trump administration has admitted that sending Abrego Garcia to a supermax prison in El Salvador known for human rights abuses was an “administrative error” but contends before the U.S. Supreme Court that there is nothing a federal court can do about that. As I shall explain, the Solicitor General’s argument ultimately rests on the claim that the president who frequently boasts about his abilities as a deal maker is a lousy negotiator.
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Team

Friedrich Zillessen

Project lead

Emma Bruhn

Communications manager

and researcher

Anna-Mira Brandau

Researcher

Juliana Talg

Researcher

Etienne Hanelt

Researcher

Lennart Laude

Researcher

Janos Richter

Researcher

Jakob Weickert

Research Assistant

Sophie Sendrowski

Research Assistant

Annika Perlebach

Volunteer Researcher

Jonathan Schramm

Volunteer Researcher

Team

Friedrich Zillessen

Project lead

Emma Bruhn

Communications manager

and researcher

Anna-Mira Brandau

Researcher

Juliana Talg

Researcher

Etienne Hanelt

Researcher

Lennart Laude

Researcher

Janos Richter

Researcher

Jakob Weickert

Research Assistant

Sophie Sendrowski

Research Assistant

Annika Perlebach

Volunteer Researcher

Jonathan Schramm

Volunteer Researcher

Looking Back: The Thuringia Project

Looking Back: The Thuringia Project

Between 2023 and 2024, we examined the vulnerabilities in Thuringia’s legal system that could be exploited by authoritarian populists. In the Thuringia Project, we conducted in-depth research to explore the question: What if authoritarian forces gained access to state power? How resilient is democracy in Thuringia?

We are proud that our work in the Thuringia Project has received multiple awards — including the Arnold-Freymuth Prize for Research and the Theodor Heuss Medal for outstanding commitment to democracy and civil rights.

Copyright: Alwin Maigler

In the summer of 2024, we published a book presenting the results of the Thuringia Project. We released a podcast in which we discuss our findings, and we wrote a policy paper with concrete recommendations for action addressed to the Thuringian state parliament.

Together with the NGOs FragDenStaat and GFF (Gesellschaft für Freiheitsrechte/Society for Civil Rights), we were also able to incorporate our research into a project named Gegenrechtsschutz, aimed at helping those affected by authoritarian abuse of the law to defend themselves.

The Verfassungsblog-Team

The Verfassungsblog-Team

Since the beginning of 2024, we have additionally been sharing the project’s findings publicly through lectures and panel discussions. They have also served as the basis for targeted training sessions for specific professional groups, including judges, prosecutors, school principals, teachers and journalists.

You can find all the key information about the Thuringia Project at one glance here.