Bolsonaro’s Quasi-Amnesty
After the Brazilian Supreme Court convicted Bolsonaro and other military figures for their role in the January 2023 coup attempt, many saw this as a positive example for the world. Justice Moraes, the rapporteur and central figure in Bolsonaro’s prosecution, hailed these developments as a “triple victory”: for the judiciary, which “did not yield to threats”; for national sovereignty; and for democracy. Last week, however, Congress approved the so-called Dosimetry Bill, which allows for a significant reduction in sentences for those convicted. In light of the Bill, such declarations of triumph warrant reconsideration.
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The CJEU Providing Ammo in the ECtHR Rainbow Fight
The issue in Cupriak-Trojan case arose when Poland refused to recognize a same-sex marriage legally concluded in another Member State. The ECtHR had already convicted Poland because same-sex partners cannot formalize their relationship under Polish law. Following these ECtHR convictions, the CJEU ruled that Poland must recognize same-sex marriages concluded in other Member States. This ammunition to enforce ECtHR’s convictions comes in two forms: mobilizing the national judges to recognize foreign same-sex marriages and gently pushing the Polish legislator towards passing the civil partnership bill into legislation.
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Trojan
On 25 November 2025, ECJ ruled in Trojan that EU Member States may not refuse to recognise a same-sex marriage lawfully concluded in another Member State. Such refusal violates the right to move and reside freely within the territory of the Member States. Unlike earlier judgments, the Trojan ruling marks a significant step towards full recognition of legal status across the EU. Hence, the duty of recognition no longer only refers to the formation of a civil status itself, but now also appears to extend to its legal effects.
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Scharf, lückenhaft, unterbelichtet
Vor kurzem wurde der Chefredakteur des rechtsextremistischen „Aula“-Magazins in Österreich wegen „Wiederbetätigung im nationalsozialistischen Sinn“ sowie Verharmlosung des Holocaust zu vier Jahren Haft verurteilt. Das Urteil macht sichtbar, dass sich die liberale Demokratie in Österreich auch von ihrer wehrhaften Seite zeigen kann. Angesichts einer Verfassung, die lange Zeit als bloße „Spielregelverfassung“ verstanden wurde, ist die Rede von einer wehrhaften Demokratie in Österreich dabei allerdings keineswegs selbstverständlich. Dabei würde es der Begriff der wehrhaften Demokratie erlauben, diese verstreuten Mechanismen dogmatisch zu bündeln.
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When Universities Govern
When UN Special Rapporteurs send an allegation letter to a university, international law is doing something unusual. On 14 October 2025, five mandate-holders addressed such a letter to Columbia University, raising concerns about protest policing, disciplinary sanctions, surveillance, and the treatment of non-citizen students and scholars in connection with Gaza-related expression and assembly. The letter does not resolve disputed facts. Its importance lies elsewhere: it reflects a shift in how international human rights law responds to the privatisation of coercive governance.
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Europe’s Climate Crisis Is a Rule-of-Law Crisis
After watering down the 2040 emission reduction target, running the Corporate Sustainability Reporting Directive and the Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive over by the Omnibus, and now attempting to kill the combustion engine ban, European climate governance has entered the territory of lawlessness. European climate governance is no longer only about the climate. It has become a rule of law issue and should be treated as such.
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A General Obligation to Monitor
In Russmedia Digital, the ECJ ruled at the beginning of December that in cases dealing with data protection violations, such as defamatory content, the notice-and-takedown procedure should not be applied, but rather that the respective platform is (jointly) liable for illegal content from the publication of the content on. Clearly unaware of the enormous implications of its decision for the freedom of expression and information of millions of users in the EU, the Court is thus demanding the establishment of a comprehensive monitoring system for communication in the digital public sphere.
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Patchwork Policing
In November 2025, the federal states of Baden-Württemberg and North Rhine-Westphalia amended their state police laws to enable or expand the use of the US intelligence software Palantir – and thus triggered debate on AI use. Meanwhile, France and Luxembourg prioritise authorising AI-supported video analysis in public spaces. While the regulatory details may differ, the underlying dynamic is the same: legislatures are progressively expanding AI-assisted police powers without a coherent regulatory concept, exposing fundamental rights to uneven and unnecessary risks.
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The CJEU Versus the Constitutional Tribunal in Poland
On 18 December 2025, the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) handed down a momentous judgment, in which it found that the Constitutional Tribunal (CT) of Poland does not satisfy the requirements of an independent and impartial tribunal established by law. The Court also found that through the decisions of that Tribunal Poland had failed to fulfil its obligations under the Treaty of European Union, as well as under the general principles of autonomy, primacy, effectiveness and the uniform application of EU law.
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CURRENT DEBATES
Wem gehört die Wissenschaft?
Wem gehört die Wissenschaft – und wem sollte sie gehören? Obwohl Wissen als öffentliches Gut prinzipiell unbegrenzt teilbar ist, wird der Zugang zu wissenschaftlichen Publikationen und Infrastrukturen durch ökonomische und rechtliche Strukturen beschränkt. Zwischen kommerziellen Verlagsmodellen, staatlicher Finanzierung und Community-getragenen Open-Access-Initiativen stellen sich grundlegende Fragen nach Eigentum, Verantwortung und Unabhängigkeit wissenschaftlicher Arbeit. Das Blog-Symposium „Wem gehört die Wissenschaft?“ greift diese Frage auf und beleuchtet Facetten der Organisation von Wissenschaft als Gemeingut, der Eigentums- und Machtverhältnisse im Publikationssystem und der Bedingungen offener und freier Wissensproduktion.
Read all articles >>In Good Faith: Freedom of Religion under Article 10 of the EU Charter
Freedom of religion, its interaction with the prohibition of discrimination, and the self-determination of churches are embedded in a complex national and European constitutional framework and remain as pertinent and contested as ever. This symposium examines the latest significant developments from an EU perspective, placing freedom of religion at the centre of analysis and critically assessing its operationalisation and interpretation in light of the EU Charter. Co-edited by Jakob Gašperin Wischhoff and Till Stadtbäumer.
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Volume 7,Issue 2
July 2025
JUS COGENS
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Killing Hitler Word by Word: The Oath as Apocalyptic Lawmaking
GREGOR NOLL
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Adjudicating Climate Protest as a Tool of Modern Republicanism
DMITRII KUZNETSOV
OUR LATEST PUBLICATION
Friedrich Zillessen, Anna-Mira Brandau & Lennart Laude (Hrsg.)
Das Justiz-Projekt. Verwundbarkeit und Resilienz der dritten Gewalt
Weltweit gerät die unabhängige Justiz unter den Druck des autoritären Populismus. Wie verwundbar ist die rechtsprechende Gewalt in Deutschland? In rund 70 Recherchegesprächen hat das Justiz-Projekt gemeinsam mit Expertinnen und Experten aus der Praxis Einfallstore identifiziert und Szenarien entwickelt, die plastisch machen, wie und wo die Justiz angegriffen werden kann. Antizipation beginnt jetzt.
PROJECTS
VB Security and Crime
In cooperation with:
VB Security and Crime is a cooperation of the Max Planck Institute for the Study of Crime, Security and Law (MPI-CSL) and the Verfassungsblog in the areas of public security law and criminal law. The MPI-CSL Institute is a member of the Max Planck Law network.
Das Justiz-Projekt
Weltweit gerät die unabhängige und unparteiische Justiz unter den Druck des autoritären Populismus.
Wie verwundbar ist die rechtsprechende Gewalt in Deutschland – im Bund und in den Ländern?
VB Security and Crime
In cooperation with:
VB Security and Crime is a cooperation of the Max Planck Institute for the Study of Crime, Security and Law (MPI-CSL) and the Verfassungsblog in the areas of public security law and criminal law. The MPI-CSL Institute is a member of the Max Planck Law network.