10 September 2024
Brave New World
The exhilaration and enthusiasm which followed the passing of the Digital Services Act (DSA) is long over. No matter one’s perspective on the DSA, it seems clear that the party is over and the work begins. One of the perhaps oddest provisions of the DSA is Article 21. It calls for the creation of private quasi-courts that are supposed to adjudicate content moderation disputes. User Rights, based in Berlin, is one of the first organisations to assume this role. Continue reading >>
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16 July 2024
Biting More Than It Can Chew
Among (too) many other things, the recently adopted European Media Freedom Act (EMFA) introduced an assessment of the impact of media market concentration on media pluralism and editorial independence. It thereby aims to address the growing economic threats media pluralism and freedom have been facing all across Europe. However, when considering recent media merger cases in Poland as well as the substantive and institutional competition law framework, it is uncertain whether the Act will provide efficient solutions. Continue reading >>
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15 July 2024
‘Democracies Die in Silence’
What is ‘media’ in a digitalized society where boundaries between news, commercial and social content are increasingly blurred? What do we really mean by ‘media pluralism’? These are all key questions liberal democracies in Europe and beyond need answers to, given both political challenges and the rise of market power and Big Tech companies whose actions affect media markets. While the law will not solve all of the problems associated with these developments, it can help in imposing limits on the way in which political and market power is used. This necessitates a sustained and informed debate as to what the existing legal framework offers and what additional legal responses are necessary. Continue reading >>
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19 June 2024
Öffentlich-rechtlicher (G)rundfunk?
Nicht nur in den Kommentarspalten unter Social-Media-Posts von ARD und ZDF werden immer öfter Forderungen nach der Abschaffung des ‚zwangsfinanzierten‘ öffentlich-rechtlichen Rundfunks (ÖRR) laut. Ähnliche Forderungen genießen auch im analogen Leben große Beliebtheit, vor allem bei Anhängern der AfD. Die AfD sieht den ÖRR als Instrument für „Indoktrination und Propaganda“, das in dieser Form abgeschafft gehört, Björn Höcke hat bereits die Kündigung des Medienstaatsvertrags (MStV) gefordert. Angesichts dieser Entwicklungen und der anstehenden Landtagswahlen in Thüringen, Sachsen und Brandenburg scheint daher die Frage zwingend: Sind die Strukturen des ÖRR gegen Angriffe von Rechtsaußen abgesichert? Continue reading >>15 June 2023
SLAPPs, Daphne’s Law, and the Future of Journalism
Media freedom has many dimensions. Whereas the EMFA deals directly with media oversight bodies and the likes, the proposed anti-SLAPP (strategic lawsuits against public participation) directive weighs into a more niche but crucially important topic: the silencing of journalists through bogus litigation. Such bogus litigation - or SLAPPS - does not intend to „win” cases but to slowly but steadily dry out journalists financially, emotionally, and socially. Currently, the Council of the European Union and the European Union Parliament are working on their proposals of the directive. It is crucial that the Commission’s proposal will not be watered down. Continue reading >>
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14 June 2023
EMFA and its Uphill Battle for Media Freedom and Democracy in the EU
The European Media Freedom Act, primarily designed to safeguard the EU media market, can also serve as an important tool in preserving the rule of law in member states such as Hungary and Poland, that have experienced an alarming assault on media freedom and pluralism in the past decade. This contribution critically evaluates the potential of the proposed European Media Freedom Act (EMFA) for addressing the ongoing issues in media freedom in Poland and Hungary. Continue reading >>
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14 June 2023
“A Bit of Fun. A Bit of Truth.”
The extent of (private) media regulation depends on the willingness to trade private for public power. This blogpost takes the Commission's EMFA proposal as an opportunity to question the assumptions about media, markets, and politics behind it. It finds that the Commission’s approach treats private like public media: First, it functionalizes the fundamental rights of private individuals and companies in terms of their public benefit; second, it imagines the conditions of qualitative journalistic work as those of civil servants. Continue reading >>
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13 June 2023
Without Enforcement, the EMFA is Dead Letter
Besides important substantive provisions, the EMFA proposal contains various mechanisms concerning the role of national regulatory authorities, the newly established European Board for Media Services (Board) and the Commission. However, this blogpost argues that the proposed tools fail to effectively improve the already available enforcement mechanisms in EU law. We offer three recommendations to improve enforcement of media law and policy in the EU, while remaining within the boundaries of the competences as established by the EU Treaties. Continue reading >>
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13 June 2023
Why the Words “But” and “However” Determine the EMFA’s Legal Basis
Enacting a regulation, which is directly applicable throughout the EU, with such a focus would undoubtedly entail a far-reaching interference with the cultural sovereignty of the Member States, documented inter alia in Art. 167(4) TFEU and the Amsterdam Protocol concerning public service broadcasting. This requires a careful concretisation of existing obstacles to the internal market, their actual overcoming by the proposed rules and a consideration of cultural interests and traditions of the Member States. In its current shape, the EMFA, irrespective of its noble goal, does not meet these requirements. Therefore, most of the EMFA’s substantive rules do not solidly rest on a legal basis, making the proposal partly incompatible with Union law. Continue reading >>
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12 June 2023
Freedom Governed by Brussels
With its EMFA proposal, the Commission is pursuing objectives that are beyond doubt: the safeguarding of plural, independent media in the Union. But no matter how noble an objective may be, it is still not a legal basis. Furthermore, European media supervision shouldonly be linked to the Commission if its oversight Board can provide independent supervision. Finally, the regulatory approach as such has to be questioned: Shall media freedom be secured through media supervision? Continue reading >>
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