The Most Dangerous Branch


On 7, 8 and 9 June 2019, from Friday to Sunday, the Moldovan Constitutional Court delivered six rulings which were rather atypical, to say the least. The court ordered the dissolution of the new parliament and declared all parliamentary acts unconstitutional, then invalidated the nomination of the new prime minister and the appointment of the government, and lastly, removed the Moldovan president from office and replaced him with the former prime minister as interim president. One week later, however, the situation became even more bizarre when the court announced a new judgment repealing each of its six rulings. What was going on in Chișinău and why?

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Why the Italian President’s Decision was Legitimate

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The new Italian government is unlikely to find a majority in Parliament; it will probably be a short-term, neutral caretaker, until the new elections, which may take place as soon as next autumn. The impeachment procedure against the President – should it start at all – will end in nothing, although it might stir the electoral propaganda.

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The People vs. the Elite: Italian Dialectics and the European Malaise


Has the Italian President power of veto over the choice of the ministers of the government? Some argue that the Constitution does not allow Mattarella to go against the indications of the winning parties and should respect the will of the majority of the electorate, and should abstain from interfering with the political choices of the future Prime Minister. These considerations are not correct and follow from a superficial reading of the Constitution.

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"Ein Land hat ein Recht darauf, regiert zu werden"

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Spanien steht vor Neuwahlen, nachdem die Parteien im Parlament monatelang keine mehrheitsfähige Regierung zustandegebracht haben. Ex-Verfassungsgerichtspräsident und -Generalanwalt am EuGH Pedro Cruz Villalón sieht im Verfassungsblog-Interview die Parteien in der Schuld und prophezeit seinem Land eine assymetrisch föderale Zukunft – möglicherweise mit Vorbildfunktion für Europa.

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"Das wäre wohl so etwas wie eine Verfassungskrise"

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Wenn der FPÖ-Kandidat der nächste österreichische Bundespräsident wird, kann er womöglich die Regierung entlassen, eine neue ernennen und das Parlament auflösen – und niemand könnte ihn stoppen. Theo Öhlinger erklärt im Verfassungsblog-Interview, wie das Amt des Bundespräsidenten in Österreich ausgestaltet ist, welche verfassungsrechtlichen Unsicherheiten bestehen und ob eine Verfassungskrise in den Bereich des Denkbaren rückt.

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