07 August 2024
Breaking with Conservatism?
The Japanese Supreme Court has been described as “the most conservative constitutional court in the world”. And, though lower courts can sometimes be more active, the Japanese judiciary as a whole tends also to be referred to as conservative. However, recent developments challenge this view. In particular, Japanese courts have begun to issue rulings in favour of the rights of sexual and gender minorities on issues like same-sex marriage and gender recognition. Do these decisions suggest that the conservatism of the Japanese judiciary has been overstated – or are they signs of change? Continue reading >>
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21 December 2023
Constitutional Identity vs. Human Rights
In two recent Latvian cases concerning the Russian-speaking minority decided respectively in September and November 2023, the ECtHR made clear that protection of constitutional identity has now been elevated to a legitimate aim for a differential treatment under the Convention. This post explores how the protection of constitutional identity has been deployed to enable a collective punishment by association with a former occupier, and how the ECtHR’s reasoning has effectively endorsed such a punishment, which is unbefitting of a liberal democratic system the ECHR aspires to represent. Until the three cases were decided, no liberal European democracy could argue without losing face that suppressing a large proportion of its population was its constitutional identity – one of the goals of its statehood. Today, this claim is seemingly kosher, marking a U-turn in the understanding of what the European human rights protection system is for minorities in Europe. Continue reading >>
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05 December 2022
Putting an End to Minority Voter Disenfranchising in Hungary
On 11 November, the European Court of Human Rights published its decision in a case initiated eight years ago, which found that the Hungarian parliamentary electoral system's regulations on the representation of national minorities in parliament violates the right to free elections (Article 3 of the 1st Protocol to the ECHR, Bakirdzi and E.C. v. Hungary). The plaintiffs claimed that the Electoral Act of 2011 was unlawful on three points: the secrecy of the vote, the real election and the preferential quota for minority representation. In its judgment, the Court found in favour of the applicants on all three points and ordered the Hungarian State to pay damages, putting an end to a decade-long violation of voting right. The following analysis is not primarily intended to provide a detailed description of the judgment itself, but to review the unlawful situation and the necessary actions resulting from the judgment. Continue reading >>
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24 April 2021
COVID-19, Minorities, and Indigenous peoples: The Litmus Test of Equality
The disproportionate impact of Covid-19 on minorities and indigenous peoples across the globe has been well documented. Individuals from these communities have been infected at a greater rate, are more likely to die after contracting the disease and now risk being at the back of the queue in national vaccination programmes. Our work has focussed on a number of elements of this phenomenon, including a study of the disproportionate burden of Covid-19 on the most marginalized communities worldwide, and the ways that members from these communities have been pushed into forced labour as a result of the pandemic. Continue reading >>
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21 November 2020
Time for Reform in Bosnia and Herzegovina
On November 21, 2020, the General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina, also known as the Dayton Peace Agreement (DPA), turns 25. Just a few days before, on November 15, Bosnian citizens were called to renew the municipal councils across the country. The poor management of the pandemic exacerbated the already high level of corruption and the recurring stalemate in political institutions, and Bosnian voters in major cities used the local elections to express all their discontent with the political conduct of the ruling parties. It is clear today that the system put in place by the DPA 25 years ago is not a sustainable solution. Continue reading >>23 June 2020
Riga and Venice on a Collision Course
After the judgment on minority languages in public schools more than a year ago, the Latvian Constitutional Court has passed several other judgments regarding the restrictions on using such languages in education. A recent opinion of the Venice Commission raises questions about the quality of analysis from the point of view of international law. Continue reading >>
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03 October 2019
A Judicial Path to Nowhere?
On 25 September 2019, the Constitutional Court of Latvia opened a case on the constitutionality of several provisions regarding pre-school education for minorities. The complainants are not likely to succeed with their appeal, though, as the Constitutional Court has so far used the country’s Soviet history as well as Latvia’s cultural identity as arguments to uphold the restriction of minority rights. Continue reading >>
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02 May 2019
A Dangerous Precedent for Minority Rights: the Latvian Constitutional Court’s Ruling on Minority Schools
On 23 April 2019, the Constitutional Court of Latvia delivered its judgment in the case on minority schools. This judgment might become a dangerous precedent for the rights of persons belonging to minorities under the Union values enshrined in Article 2 TEU. Continue reading >>12 January 2016
Vom Recht der Opposition auf Oppositionsrechte
Muss die Mehrheit der Minderheit genügend Rechte geben, dass es in Deutschlands Demokratie eine effektive Opposition gibt? Darüber wird morgen vor dem Zweiten Senat des Bundesverfassungsgerichts mündlich verhandelt. Die Fraktion DIE LINKE hatte ein Organstreitverfahren angestrengt, um geklärt zu wissen, ob die derzeitigen Quoren für die Oppositionsrechte im 18. Deutschen Bundestag verfassungsmäßig sind. Continue reading >>22 September 2015
Vermittlungsausschuss: BVerfG streckt die Waffen vor der Flucht ins Informelle
Jedes Verfahren zur Entscheidungsfindung kann nur entweder perfekt effizient oder perfekt legitim sein. Das Parlaments- und Staatsorganisationsrecht steckt voller Versuche, zwischen diesen beiden Polen eine prekäre Balance herzustellen: Das Repräsentationsprinzip ist so einer. Die Fünfprozentklausel ein weiterer. Das Zusammenspiel von Mehrheitsprinzip und Minderheitenrechten. Und das sind genau die Stellen, an denen das Recht nie zur Ruhe kommt und immer neue BVerfG-Entscheidungen gebiert. Ein recht aktiver Eruptionsherd dieser Art ist das Thema Vermittlungsausschuss, und der ist heute in Gestalt einer Senatsentscheidung aus Karlsruhe erneut eindrucksvoll ausgebrochen. Um das Ergebnis vorweg zu nehmen: Im Zweiten Senat scheint unter den Kräften, die hier miteinander ringen, die Effizienz im Augenblick die Oberhand über die Legitimität zu behalten. Continue reading >>
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