Towards Universal Criminalisation
“Italy Criminalises Surrogacy from Abroad, a Blow to Gay and Infertile Couples.” This was the headline on the New York Times website following the approval of a law in Italy criminalising reproductive tourism. Giorgia Meloni had already introduced the bill, Act no. 824, in the last Parliament, and the current right-wing majority has now passed it. The news has gone around the world. Let us try to understand why.
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Managing Migration the Italian Way
The Italy-Albania deal provides a new, some say innovative, approach to externalization in migration procedures. It differs from the current EU toolbox, raising issues related to these differences and the treatment of procedural rights. Where these issues arise and how they will be litigated nationally and/or in front of the ECJ is unclear but will shape migration discourses beyond Italy.
Continue reading >>Non-Binary Gender Markers in Italy?
In July, the Italian Constitutional Court recognised the existence of non-binary people for the first time in Italian history. Although the decision as such is a big step for queer rights in Italy, the Court stops halfway. In contrast to the German “Dritte Option” decision, the Court does not set clear instructions or deadlines for the Parliament. Italy’s current far-right political climate likely means non-binary gender markers will not be introduced by the Italian Parliament anytime soon.
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Breaking Bad all’Italiana
The European Commission's 2024 Annual Rule of Law Report provides some analysis of Italy’s current political and judicial landscape under Meloni’s right wing rule. While the expectations towards the Report were low, the document must be read as a wakeup call, as Italy sets out to be the new Hungary.
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Eine Verfassungsreform in Italien zulasten systemischen Gleichgewichts
Italien diskutiert gerade eine wichtige Reform seiner Verfassung: die Einführung der Direktwahl des Regierungsoberhaupts. Sie soll zusammen mit der Wahl beiden Parlamentskammern stattfinden. Zusätzlich soll die Zusammensetzung der beiden Kammern mit einem in der Verfassung neu zu verankernden „Mehrheitsbonus“ maßgeblich beeinflusst werden. Mit einer Stärkung der Macht des Ministerpräsidenten zulasten staatsoberhäuptlicher Garantiefunktionen würde Italien also nichts an demokratischer Stabilität gewinnen, dafür aber vieles an Ausgewogenheit und checks and balances im politischen System verlieren.
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A Malfunctioning System
Party bans do not represent a serious threat to neo-fascist movements in Italy. Despite a constitutional provision and an ordinary law regulating the issue, their use has so far been limited to associations of minor size and relevance.
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A Limping Militant Democracy
Images of hundreds of men gathering outside the former headquarters of the Italian post-fascist party (Movimento Sociale Italiano – MSI), giving the Roman salute in Acca Larentia (Roma) on the 8th of January 2024, have sparked numerous controversies in Italy. The Roman salute was paired with the Fascist ritual of the “roll call”, whereby a leader calls out the name of a fallen soldier and his comrades shout “presente!”. While one would expect the President of the Senate, facing an incident that stirred political controversy, to reason in more institutional terms rather than strictly legally, La Russa was partially correct in stating that the current Italian legal framework is (still) not sufficiently clear and coherent on the matter.
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“Rented Uterus” as a Universal Crime
The principle of universal jurisdiction (UJ) has traditionally been grounded in the idea of a collective response to the most heinous crimes on a global scale. Italy, a country that currently lacks universal jurisdiction for international crimes, is amid deliberations on a proposed bill advocating for the use of universal jurisdiction in cases of surrogacy. This analysis contends that the underlying political motive behind this bill is to curb all forms of same-sex parenthood, inadvertently resulting in a criminal law framework that would specifically impact male-gay couples. Secondly, it draws a parallel with “memory law”, illustrating how legal mechanisms initially established in the enthusiasm of the ‘90s are now being repurposed as instruments for divisive political agendas.
Continue reading >>Prize and Premiership
Since the beginning of November, Italy has been discussing a constitutional reform that aims to radically change the Italian governmental system. The bill provides that the Prime Minister (more correctly: the President of the Council of Ministers) is elected by universal suffrage in a popular vote concurrent with the Chamber of Deputies and Senate elections. This move is often referred to in journalism as ‘Premiership’ (Premierato). n this post, I would like to focus less on the characteristics of the alleged ‘Premiership’ and more on the attempt to incorporate detailed electoral rules into the constitution. First, a brief history of the ‘majority prize’ will help the reader to better understand the context in which this reform was born. This will be followed by a critique of the proposal to enshrine the ‘majority prize’ in the constitution. I argue that, as currently drafted, the reform bill risks leading to an unconstitutional constitutional amendment.
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