Two-Thirds Majority Is Essential but Not Enough


We can start now rebuilding our democracy and constitutionalism. TISZA Party, led by Péter Magyar, secured a constitutional majority on 12 April 2026. This broad democratic authorization allows for the creation of a new constitution, but it will take time, a lot of effort, and careful consideration. A constitutional majority provides an exceptional form of democratic authorization. Yet, especially in reconstruction contexts, it risks reproducing the very patterns of concentrated and exclusionary lawmaking that characterized the previous regime.

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Marketplace of Malpractice

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Every day we depend upon the counsel of our doctors, lawyers, engineers, accountants, architects, and pharmacists. Yet, in a startling decision, the Supreme Court recently struck down Colorado’s ban on “conversion therapy” for minors in an opinion that threatens to undermine the professional advice on which we all constantly rely. The Court's reasoning is simply nonsense in the context of the professional speech that all of us rely on all the time.

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State Bodies


India's New Trans Rights Act reorganises the terms on which transgender lives become intelligible to law. Its animating logic, that trans identity is an “acquirable characteristic” the state must verify rather than an irreducible human experience it must recognise, directly confronts the constitutional architecture erected by the Indian Supreme Court in previous case law. The Act re-medicalises identity, re-bureaucratises recognition, and risks criminalising both community kinship structures and legitimate gender-affirming care.

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Beyond Intermediaries

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Recent investigations into the dissemination of illegal content generated by Grok have exposed a structural gap in the EU’s legislative framework: while the Digital Services Act equips the European Commission with far-reaching powers over large online platforms, it does not clearly capture generative AI systems per se. As a result, the Commission may be able to act against platforms integrating such systems (such as X), but not necessarily against the systems themselves (such as Grok). This asymmetry raises a broader question that has increasingly gained attention in policy and academic debates: can generative AI applications be brought within the scope of the DSA?

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Neither What Italy Needed, Nor What it Deserved

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On 22 and 23 March 2026, the Italian electorate rejected a constitutional reform of the judiciary. This vote, while unlikely to deal a decisive blow to Meloni’s government, has already had notable political repercussions – most prominently, the resignations of two key figures within the Ministry of Justice. However, when situating the reform in the broader Italian political context, it goes too far to conclude that it would have pushed Italy in a direction similar to Hungary’s.

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After Collapse


Ten years after the Hungarian government began its campaign against Central European University, Hungary now stands on the brink of a political turning point: elections that could finally shake the system built by Fidesz. With opposition leader Péter Magyar leading in the polls, an old prediction is suddenly coming true. Yet it raises a more unsettling question: even if the system collapses, can Hungary simply rebuild what once proved so vulnerable to illiberal capture?

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Nach dem Kollaps


Zehn Jahre nachdem die ungarische Regierung ihre Kampagne gegen die Central European University begonnen hat, steht Ungarn nun an der Schwelle zu einem politischen Wendepunkt: Wahlen, die das von Fidesz errichtete System erstmals ins Wanken bringen könnten. Mit Oppositionsführer Péter Magyar an der Spitze der Umfragen bewahrheitet sich plötzlich eine alte Prognose. Zugleich drängt sich eine beunruhigendere Frage auf: Selbst wenn das System zusammenbricht – kann Ungarn einfach das wiederaufbauen, was sich einst als so anfällig für illiberale Vereinnahmung erwiesen hat?

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A Win That Isn’t


Last week, the U.S. government asked the Supreme Court to bless its attempt to put the country’s citizenship attribution rule into the service of its anti-immigrant agenda. At issue was the constitutionality and legality of the President’s Executive Order 14160. It seeks to deny citizenship to children born to non-citizen mothers who are undocumented or lawfully but temporarily present and non-citizen fathers who do not possess a green card. After Wednesday’s oral argument, there is broad consensus that the Court is unlikely to do so.

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Beating (Authoritarian) Populism with (Democratic) Populism


Viktor Orbán, Hungary’s prime minister since 2010, is set to lose the parliamentary elections on 12 April 2026. According to recent polls, Fidesz’ main rival, centre-right Tisza, seems to be within reach of attaining a two-thirds constitutional majority. While this may provide conditions for re-establishing democratic institutions, it also implies that Tisza would not be constrained by any meaningful democratic controls. Avoiding the double trap of meeting populist expectations and stabilizing institutionally unconstrained powers are two major tasks the new government needs to perform.

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Three Lessons from the UN Declaration on Enslavement


On 25 March 2026, the United Nations General Assembly adopted, led by African and Caribbean states, the Declaration on the Trafficking of Enslaved Africans and Racialised Chattel Enslavement of Africans as the Gravest Crime Against Humanity. The Declaration can be read as operating within the language of foundational instruments of international law while simultaneously pushing their limits through a set of decisive doctrinal moves. Seen in this light, the Declaration offers at least three lessons for international law today.

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CURRENT DEBATES

Reflexive Globalisation and the Law

In October 2025, a new Centre for Advanced Studies was established at the Humboldt University of Berlin’s Law Faculty. Named “Reflexive Globalisation and the Law: Colonial Legacies and their Implications in the 21st Century” (RefLex), the Centre explores the premise that the globalisation of law and legal discourse has entered a reflexive phase: one in which law and knowledge production about law are less and less one-directional exports from or within the Global North but rather dynamic, multidirectional exchanges that confront colonial legacies, epistemic hierarchies, and enduring asymmetries of power. This blog symposium, co-edited by Philipp Dann, Florian Jeßberger, and Kalika Mehta, aims to present and extend these interactions to a broader, accessible dialogue with a wider community beyond the university setting. Featuring contributions from a range of different disciplines and regions, the symposium serves as a public prelude to its official launch, which can be watched live here.

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Wem gehört die Wissenschaft?

Wem gehört die Wissenschaft – und wem sollte sie gehören? Obwohl Wissen als öffentliches Gut prinzipiell unbegrenzt teilbar ist, wird der Zugang zu wissenschaftlichen Publikationen und Infrastrukturen durch ökonomische und rechtliche Strukturen beschränkt. Zwischen kommerziellen Verlagsmodellen, staatlicher Finanzierung und Community-getragenen Open-Access-Initiativen stellen sich grundlegende Fragen nach Eigentum, Verantwortung und Unabhängigkeit wissenschaftlicher Arbeit. Das Blog-Symposium „Wem gehört die Wissenschaft?“ greift diese Frage auf und beleuchtet Facetten der Organisation von Wissenschaft als Gemeingut, der Eigentums- und Machtverhältnisse im Publikationssystem und der Bedingungen offener und freier Wissensproduktion.

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If you have an idea for a blog symposium, which is subsequently published as a Verfassungsbook please don’t hesitate to get in touch via submission@verfassungsblog.de. You can find all information here and a form for proposals here.

OUR LATEST PUBLICATION

Jakob Gašperin Wischhoff, Till Stadtbäumer (eds.)
In Good Faith: Freedom of Religion under Article 10 of the EU Charter

Freedom of religion, its interaction with the prohibition of discrimination, and the self-determination of churches are embedded in a complex national and European constitutional framework and remain as pertinent and contested as ever. This edited volume examines the latest significant developments from an EU perspective, placing freedom of religion at the centre of analysis and critically assessing its operationalisation and interpretation in light of the EU Charter.

Discover the Open Access digital edition here.

PROJECTS

VB Security and Crime

In cooperation with:

VB Security and Crime is a cooperation of the Max Planck Institute for the Study of Crime, Security and Law (MPI-CSL) and the Verfassungsblog in the areas of public security law and criminal law. The MPI-CSL Institute is a member of the Max Planck Law network.

Das Justiz-Projekt

Weltweit gerät die unabhängige und unparteiische Justiz unter den Druck des autoritären Populismus.

Wie verwundbar ist die rechtsprechende Gewalt in Deutschland – im Bund und in den Ländern?

VB Security and Crime

In cooperation with:

 

VB Security and Crime is a cooperation of the Max Planck Institute for the Study of Crime, Security and Law (MPI-CSL) and the Verfassungsblog in the areas of public security law and criminal law. The MPI-CSL Institute is a member of the Max Planck Law network.

Das Justiz-Projekt

 

Weltweit gerät die unabhängige und unparteiische Justiz unter den Druck des autoritären Populismus.

Wie verwundbar ist die rechtsprechende Gewalt in Deutschland – im Bund und in den Ländern?

EDITORIAL

After Collapse

Ten years after the Hungarian government began its campaign against Central European University, Hungary now stands on the brink of a political turning point: elections that could finally shake the system built by Fidesz. With opposition leader Péter Magyar leading in the polls, an old prediction is suddenly coming true. Yet it raises a more unsettling question: even if the system collapses, can Hungary simply rebuild what once proved so

Continue reading >>

Nach dem Kollaps

Zehn Jahre nachdem die ungarische Regierung ihre Kampagne gegen die Central European University begonnen hat, steht Ungarn nun an der Schwelle zu einem politischen Wendepunkt: Wahlen, die das von Fidesz errichtete System erstmals ins Wanken bringen könnten. Mit Oppositionsführer Péter Magyar an der Spitze der Umfragen bewahrheitet sich plötzlich eine alte Prognose. Zugleich drängt sich eine beunruhigendere Frage auf: Selbst wenn das System zusammenbricht – kann Ungarn einfach das wiederaufbauen,

Continue reading >>