18 February 2025
Transnationale Disruption
Scheinbar hat der amerikanische Vizepräsident J. D. Vance bei seiner Rede am Freitagabend das Thema verfehlt, indem er die europäische Innenpolitik kritisierte. Es handelt sich allerdings nicht um einen diplomatischen Fauxpas, sondern um die Verkündung eines Programms an der Spitze eines transnationalen „Bewegungsstaates“. Ideologische Anleihen macht Vance bei Carl Schmitt, denkt dessen „Raumnahme“ aber im transnationalen Sinne weiter. Continue reading >>
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29 November 2022
Conflating the Powers of the Commissarial and the Sovereign Dictator in Tunisia
On July 25, 2022, a year after Tunisian President Kais Saied declared a state of emergency and with only 28 percent of eligible voters participating, Tunisia ratified its new Constitution. Saied’s use of wide emergency powers to help sideline parliamentary opposition and support the constitution-making process, contradicts the underlying rational that emergency powers are needed in democratic states to defend the existing constitutional order against urgent and exceptional threats to the state. To preclude the potential misuse of emergency powers a state’s constitution should be designed to prevent the entity exercising emergency powers from simultaneously claiming that they represent the ‘broad popular will’ of the people. Continue reading >>
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31 March 2022
Russia’s Eurasian Großraum and its Consequences
The available options for the German and Western policy towards Russia have to be based on the correct diagnosis of the causes of the conflict. The purpose of this analysis is to shed some light on the structural reasons for the Russian expansionism and make some projections on the possible long-tern consequences. The rivalry between the Russian-dominated space (Großraum – greater space) and the EU/NATO systems fuels an intense geopolitical antagonism in Europe, which can be transformed into actual conflict. I understand the Großraum in the sense of Carl Schmitt as a tightly managed sphere of interests, under the direct or indirect control of an authoritarian Great Power (infra II).
Continue reading >>10 March 2022
Donald Trump’s Post-9/11 Presidency and the Legacy of Carl Schmitt
Shortly before Trump’s inauguration in 2016, I suggested that the president-elect might prove to be a chief executive in the mode of Carl Schmitt. Trump, though, represented something different. If the early Bush years were characterized by legal interpretations that pushed the edges of executive and sovereign power, Trump’s vision of the presidency was that of a man who had no interest in legal interpretation whatsoever. As he later said of the portion of the Constitution that spells out the details of presidential power, “I have an Article II, which allows me to do whatever I want.” Continue reading >>
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07 March 2022
Die Schlangenbeschwörer
Während russische Panzer in die Ukraine rollen, sollten wir uns vor den "Träumern des Absoluten" in unserer Mitte in Acht nehmen. Sie verehren die Exekutive, weil nur eine starke Exekutive in der Lage ist, die kosmopolitischen und menschenrechtlichen Errungenschaften der zweiten Hälfte des zwanzigsten Jahrhunderts zurückzudrehen. Diese Anbetung hängt jedoch davon ab, dass an der Spitze der Exekutive eine Person steht, die zumindest die wichtigsten Grundsätze ihrer Version des "Gemeinwohls" teilt. Dies erfordert die Befreiung der Exekutive von den Zwängen der Rechtsstaatlichkeit, sowohl international als auch innerhalb des Nationalstaates. Continue reading >>
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07 March 2022
The Snake Charmers
As Russian tanks roll into the Ukraine, we should be wary of these ‘dreamers of the absolute’ in our midst. They worship the executive because only a strong executive is capable of rolling back the cosmopolitan, human rights achievements of the latter half of the twentieth century. But such worship depends on maintaining in power the person at the head of the executive who shares at least the most important tenets of their version of the ‘common good’. That requires not only freeing the executive from the constraints of the rule of law, both internationally and within the nation state. It also requires that democracy be hollowed out in order to ensure that periodic elections return the right person to power. Continue reading >>
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19 December 2020
Carl Schmitt, the Arbitrary Character of Constituent Power, and the Tradition of European Public Law
In this comment, I engage with Chapter 3 of Lucia Rubinelli's book, which is an essential contribution to the study of constituent power in the Weimar Republic and the reception of this idea in the work of the controversial jurist Carl Schmitt (1888-1985). My thoughts are organized into two sections. In the first, I summarize Rubinelli's reading of Schmitt’s understanding of constituent power in Weimar. My main criticism concerns Rubinelli’s reading of the arbitrary character of constituent power in Schmitt, which in my view insufficiently reflects Schmitt's distinction between dictatorship and despotism. In the second part, I turn to the historical transition of constituent power that Rubinelli detects between the 19th-century French lawyers and the Weimar Republic. I point out that there is a missing link in Rubinelli's history of Schmitt's constituent power: the dialogue between the languages of German state theory (Staatslehre) and French public law (Droit Public) in the early 20th century. Continue reading >>
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14 October 2020
Anti-Hegemony and Its Discontents
Long before the fighting ceased, Jean Monnet was already planning to integrate a defeated Germany into “a Europe united on terms of equality.” The idea had been brewing in the French and Italian resistance during World War II, even since Germany had been defeated last time around, and before then, in other forms, too. The key to bringing the warring nations together in solidarity was, as the Schuman Declaration would explain, taming the age-old animosity between Germany and France in a supranational project “open to all countries willing to take part.” The aim, in the words of the Treaty of Rome would be an “ever closer union among the peoples of Europe.” Continue reading >>
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23 June 2020
Von Auserwählten und Systemrelevanten
Anspielungen auf Carl Schmitt sind in diesen Zeiten verständlicherweise groß in Mode. Trotz der massiven und in der Geschichte der Bundesrepublik einzigartigen Grundrechtseinschränkungen erleb(t)en wir jedoch höchstens einen Ausnahmezustand nach einer moderaten Definition, nicht nach dem radikalen Schmittschen Begriffsverständnis. Dieser Beitrag geht von der Annahme aus, dass Schmitts vor knapp 100 Jahren erstmals erschienenes Werk „Politische Theologie“ in Teilen eine fruchtbare analytische Hintergrundfolie bietet, um jenseits des fast schon überstrapazierten Begriffs des Ausnahmezustands zentrale Aspekte und Phänomene der „Corona-Gesellschaft“ aus einer rechtspolitologischen Perspektive besser zu beleuchten. Continue reading >>12 May 2020