15 October 2024
New Structure, New Priorities
Von der Leyen has recently unveiled the new structure of the next Commission. At first sight it looks like a relatively light structure composed of only three hierarchical levels: the President on top, six Executive Vice-Presidents in the middle and the Commissioners at the bottom. However, as this post will argue, the new Commission is likely to become more hierarchical and less coordinated than before. Moreover, the new structure also reflects changing priorities that will lead to a less green agenda and increased competitiveness of the EU. Continue reading >>
0 
09 October 2024
Dismissing the Genuine Link by Disregarding Constitutional Principles
The struggle over the Maltese investment citizenship scheme is probably one of the fiercest debates of EU constitutional law. The conflict revolves around the question of whether EU law contains requirements for the acquisition of Union citizenship and whether these requirements consist in a “genuine link” between the respective state and individual. The recent Opinion by AG Collins provides us with an extremely narrow and astonishingly one-sided view. In particular, he seeks to make us believe that there are no sound ways to anchor a genuine link requirement in EU law. Martijn van den Brink finds it “hard to disagree with the Advocate General”. Respectfully, I disagree. Continue reading >>26 September 2024
Towards Shared European Finances
The EU is once again eyeing a workaround to address an emerging challenge. A few days ago, former ECB President Mario Draghi issued a landmark report to stem the EU’s decline, calling for a massive investment of 800 billion euro annually. Draghi’s proposal is in line with an emerging post-pandemic pattern in EU policymaking. This pattern is characterized by flexible, ad-hoc measures that are implemented outside of the bloc’s treaty framework. We celebrate the boldness and effective design of this important template, even as we recognize some legal creativity necessary to carry out bold moves. Continue reading >>
0
24 September 2024
A Political Question Doctrine for the CFSP
On 10 September 2024, the CJEU issued its judgment in the joined cases of KS and KD, addressing the scope of its jurisdiction within the Common Foreign and Security Policy. Specifically, the Court asserted its jurisdiction in so far as the harm-causing conduct did not relate to “political or strategic” choices made in the context of the CFSP. I criticize the Court’s reliance on such an ill-defined concept to delineate the boundaries of its jurisdiction and argue that removing the limitations on the CJEU’s jurisdiction within the CFSP would require a reform of the Treaties. Continue reading >>
0
17 September 2024
The Patriots for Europe
Never in the history of the EU has a political party at Union level so ostentatiously misnamed itself as the Patriots for Europe. Their name suggests a passionate love for homeland Europe but their Manifesto reveals an unmistakable commitment to dismantle European democracy and to reduce the EU to an undemocratic organisation of illiberal states. Following the recent European Parliament elections, the Patriots for Europe has emerged as nothing less than the third largest political party. I explore the core elements of their illiberal political agenda as outlined in their Manifesto and discuss how their proposed sovereign policies, if implemented, could reverse the progressive trajectory of European (legal) integration. Continue reading >>
0
16 September 2024
Soft Law’s Increasing Clout
The non-binding nature of soft law is rather self-evident, yet, its influence is growing, as reflected in the recent Jemerak case, decided on 5 September 2024. While the judges in Luxembourg explicitly stated that the Commission’s guidance document had no effect on their interpretation of Union law whatsoever, their decision de facto indirectly reviewed that document. I argue that the Jemerak case exemplifies the growing significance of soft law. Continue reading >>
0
05 September 2024
First Time as Tragedy, Second Time as Farce
In December 2023 the Hungarian Parliament speedily adopted the Act on the Protection of National Sovereignty and by February 2024 the government had already designated the Sovereignty Protection Office (SPO) for its enforcement. The history repeats itself, first time as tragedy, second time as farce. The current activities of the SPO exemplify the Hungarian government’s ongoing efforts to undermine free and independent society. It is crucial for the Union and European civil society to once again act swiftly to prevent the harassment of journalists and the potential disappearance of NGOs. Continue reading >>
0
04 September 2024
Misjudging the Football Transfer System
In 1995, the Bosman ruling put an end to transfer fees for out-of-contract players. This year, the Court of Justice of the EU (CJEU) is dealing with the Diarra case, which concerns players still under contract. The Advocate General has already given the Opinion, which suggests that the upcoming CJEU's ruling will further weaken the transfer system. I argue that both rulings focus too much on the labour market and the freedom of movement of workers and neglect the fact that the football transfer system enhances competition in consumer markets at the benefit of smaller clubs and the football fans. Continue reading >>
0
02 September 2024
The Hungarian Treeless Treetop Walkway
In the small village of Nyírmártonfalva in northeastern Hungary, there stands a wooden treetop walkway designed for walking among the tree canopies. Yet, there are no trees around. The European Public Prosecutor’s Office initiated proceedings to investigate this allegedly fraudulent appropriation of the EU common budget. In early August 2024, the Hungarian Office of the Prosecutor General rejected EPPO's jurisdiction. Nonetheless, the EPPO has jurisdiction according to the result theory, accepted also in Hungary, due to the place where the result of an offence occurs. Continue reading >>
0
28 August 2024
Strengthening the EU Legal Edifice for Data Transfers
GDPR provides the rulebook for international transfers of personal data from the EU and serves as the vehicle through which EU data protection law interacts with the wider world. However, the EU seems ambivalent about deciding how far it can expect third countries to adopt data protection standards similar to its own. Moreover, DPAs often fail to scrutinize data transfers to third countries that may lack the rule of law. Finally, the EU lacks a comparative methodology for assessing data protection equivalence in third countries. It is essential for the EU to elevate the public discourse so that the global significance of data transfers is recognized. Continue reading >>
0