Deutschland, Israel und der IGH
Das Verfahren zwischen Südafrika und Israel vor dem Internationalen Gerichtshof zählt vielleicht zu den bedeutendsten in der Geschichte des Gerichts. Bereits zehn Staaten sind dem Verfahren beigetreten oder haben ihren Beitritt beantragt. Deutschland kündigte seine Absicht zur Intervention bereits kurz nach der Klageeinreichung Südafrikas an, noch bevor es selbst in einen Rechtsstreit mit Nicaragua über die Unterstützung Israels verwickelt wurde. Eine politisch motivierte Intervention unter Art. 63 des IGH-Status würde sich jedoch dem Vorwurf der Doppelmoral aussetzen. Erweiterten Handlungsspielraum eröffnet dagegen eine Intervention unter Art. 62 des IGH-Status.
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Third State obligations in the ICJ Advisory Opinion
What are the possible implications of the Advisory Opinion for the United Kingdom and Cyprus with regard to the UK’s arms and surveillance support to Israel through its military bases in Cyprus? This post argues that the third State obligations identified by the Court, including the duty not to render aid or assistance in maintaining the illegal situation, also apply to the current war in Gaza.
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Security Considerations, the Duty to End Belligerent Occupations and the ICJ Advisory Opinion on Israeli practices and policies in the Occupied Palestinian Territory
This contribution discusses three possible rationales for the Court’s rejection of the relevance of Israel’s security concerns: Lack of proof of serious and legitimate security concerns by Israel, the insufficiency of broad security concerns to justify the continued use of force, and the insufficiency of broad security concerns to deny realization of Palestinian self-determination. As long as international law doctrine on the duty to end a belligerent occupation despite the prevalence of serious security concerns remains contested, and as long as security conditions in the region remain extremely unstable, it is unlikely that a withdrawal will be deemed practicable
Continue reading >>The ICJ’s Treatment of Questions of Occupation in Gaza
The ICJ’s treatment of the state of occupation in Gaza is questionable. While it rightly accepted the functional approach to occupation, I doubt whether Israel was indeed capable of exercising its authority in Gaza sufficiently for its occupation to be found as having continued post-2005. The Court should have relied on Israel’s continued exercise of administrative authority vis-a-vis Gaza residents to find the existence of a state of occupation.
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The Functional Approach as Lex Lata
The ICJ has de facto adopted the functional approach to occupation with regard to Gaza. The Opinion is thus a critical point in the development of the law of occupation, in that it transcends a binary approach to the question of the existence of occupation, in favour of a more nuanced approach that enables holding that a territory is occupied, but not in an “all or nothing” way. More generally, the Opinion as rejects a more restrictive approach to the question of whether occupation exists in a territory or not in favour of a more flexible approach.
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From Illegal Annexation to Illegal Occupation: The Missing Link in the Reasoning of the International Court of Justice
The Court’s determination that Israel’s annexation policies render its continued presence in the West Bank unlawful finds no basis in the international prohibition against the use of force. Moreover, the Court’s determination circumvents the Law of State Responsibility that determines the consequences of Israel’s unlawful annexation policies.
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A Seismic Change
It is no understatement to say that the 19 July 2024 ICJ Advisory Opinion constitutes a seismic change in the international law and practice on the question of Palestine. In one fell swoop, the ICJ has shifted what was hitherto an almost exclusive focus of the international community on how Israel has administered its 57-year occupation of the Occupied Palestinian Territory under International Humanitarian Law and International Human Rights Law, to the requirement that Israel end its occupation of that territory as “rapidly as possible”.
Continue reading >>The Inadvertent Protagonist
The International Court of Justice (ICJ), a UN body essentially responsible for resolving inter-state disputes, has been increasingly asked to consider matters with implications for individual criminal responsibility – a predominant concern of international criminal law. In some cases, the link is direct; for instance, in the last two years, the Genocide Convention has been invoked twice on behalf of Ukraine and Gaza. Although for the ICJ, its application is a question of State responsibility, it will give rise to questions of individual responsibility in other international and domestic fora.
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Staatsräson vor Völker(straf)recht?
Am 20.5.2024 hat Karim A.A. Khan, der Ankläger des Internationalen Strafgerichtshofs, Haftbefehle gegen den israelischen Premierminister Netanyahu und Verteidigungsminister Gallant sowie drei Hamas-Führungsfiguren in der Palästina-Situation beantragt. Die Bundesregierung argumentiert in ihrer am 9.8.2024 veröffentlichten Stellungnahme, dass Israel die echte Möglichkeit und mehr Zeit gegeben werden müsse, um selbst strafverfolgerisch tätig werden zu können. In der Stellungnahme zeigt sich eine starke, fast bedingungslose Unterstützung Israels, die einem Primat der Politik über das Recht nahekommt
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Power to the People
Das am 19. Juli 2024 veröffentlichte Gutachten des IGH zu der israelischen Besatzung Palästinas ist zurecht als Zeitenwende und bahnbrechend beschrieben sowie von einer Vielzahl von UN-Experten begrüßt worden. Das Gericht gibt der Staatengemeinschaft grünes Licht, Maßnahmen wie etwa Sanktionen und den Abbruch von Handelsbeziehungen zu ergreifen. Für die EU, dem wichtigsten Wirtschaftspartner Israels, wurden bereits konkrete Vorschläge gemacht. Dabei könnten Sanktionen gegenüber Unternehmen oder gewalttätigen Siedler:innen aufgrund der etwas geringeren politischen Brisanz erfolgversprechender sein als an die israelische Regierung gerichtete Sanktionen.
Continue reading >>On Recognition
The decades-long campaign for recognition of a Palestinian state on the 1967-occupied territory meets the international system, however flawed, where it is. Its selling point is simple: an independent Palestinian state is the most attainable way, if not the only way, to restore integrity and dignity to the Palestinian people while maintaining a minimum standard of order.
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