18 June 2024
A Constitutional Reform in Italy to the Detriment of Systemic Balance
In Italy, an important reform of the Italian constitution is underway: the introduction of direct elections for the head of government. This is to take place together with the election of both chambers of parliament. In addition, the composition of the two chambers is to be significantly influenced by a new "majority bonus" to be anchored in the constitution. By strengthening the power of the prime minister at the expense of guarantor functions of the head of State, Italy would therefore gain nothing in terms of democratic stability but would lose a great deal in terms of checks and balances in the political system. Continue reading >>
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18 June 2024
Eine Verfassungsreform in Italien zulasten systemischen Gleichgewichts
Italien diskutiert gerade eine wichtige Reform seiner Verfassung: die Einführung der Direktwahl des Regierungsoberhaupts. Sie soll zusammen mit der Wahl beiden Parlamentskammern stattfinden. Zusätzlich soll die Zusammensetzung der beiden Kammern mit einem in der Verfassung neu zu verankernden „Mehrheitsbonus“ maßgeblich beeinflusst werden. Mit einer Stärkung der Macht des Ministerpräsidenten zulasten staatsoberhäuptlicher Garantiefunktionen würde Italien also nichts an demokratischer Stabilität gewinnen, dafür aber vieles an Ausgewogenheit und checks and balances im politischen System verlieren. Continue reading >>
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08 January 2024
One-sidedly Staffed Courts
In Poland, the new parliamentary majority elected on October 15 is confronted not only with a president brought into office by the PiS party but also with a constitutional court made up exclusively of judges elected under the aegis of PiS. Any effort to restore the rule of law in the Polish judiciary is likely to meet resistance from these veto players. The difficulties to be expected for the new majority in dealing with the rule of law deficiencies that have piled up in the Polish justice system, and especially in the Polish Constitutional Tribunal since 2010 (on these difficulties here, pp. 227 ff., and here) draw attention to an underlying problem to be witnessed not only in Poland, and not only in other countries where democracy and the rule of law have deteriorated or never existed: the problem of courts, and in particular constitutional courts, with a blatant lack of political balance in their composition. Continue reading >>
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22 October 2022
Britain’s Political Meltdown and its Constitutional Dimension
Britain’s political meltdown is also a constitutional meltdown – a sign of the increasing redundancy of a remarkably resilient and successful constitutional model that has seen the UK avoid the constant process of revolution and renewal that plagued other European states, at least in the 20th century. The current state of the UK’s constitutional system is unsustainable and increasingly unable to support the primary purpose of government – to actually deliver policy. Continue reading >>21 October 2022
Playing Hide-and-seek with UK’s Parliamentary Supremacy
The ambiguous status of ‘retained EU law’ – this new category of domestic law consisting of the EU law applicable in the United Kingdom until 31 December 2020 – led the UK government to draft the Retained EU Law (Revocation and Reform) Bill, known also as the Brexit Freedoms Bill (‘the Bill’), with the promise to align retained EU law with ‘the UK’s priorities for unlocking growth’. It is the most recent effort of the government to achieve what it has not achieved so far: to scrap the supremacy of EU law once and for all or, to put it differently, to restore the supremacy of the UK Parliament. However, rather than restoring, the government’s legislative proposal threatens the fundamental principle of the UK’s constitution. Continue reading >>
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23 April 2022
Why ‘Partygate’ May Be the Beginning of the End
On 12 April, the UK Prime Minister, Boris Johnson, and Chancellor, Rishi Sunak, received fixed-penalty notices for breaching Covid regulations, regarding their attendance at a surprise birthday party for the Prime Minister in the Cabinet Room in 10 Downing Street on 19 June 2020. Both paid the fine. Both apologised. Neither resigned. Continue reading >>
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28 March 2022
How Emmanuel Macron’s Quest for Efficiency Undermines French Democracy
Emmanuel Macron presented his program for the next presidential election on Thursday, March 17. He plans to relaunch his major reform of the institutions to make them work more efficiently and reaffirmed his desire to have a “strong executive power”, that is, a President who is not encumbered by too many counterweights. This concern for efficiency is a clear sign of impatience with the democratic process. By letting the executive power decide alone, the whole balance of powers could be affected. Continue reading >>08 May 2020
Health Before Rights and Liberties: Thailand’s Response to COVID-19
On 13 January, Thailand was the first country outside of China to confirm a COVID-19 case. Prayuth invoked the Emergency Decree on Public Administration in Emergency Situation on 26 March 2020. At present, new cases are down to a single-digit figure per day. However, the 2005 Emergency Decree may not be the appropriate tool, as it has misled the public’s understanding of the pandemic and allows the government to employ unnecessarily harsh measures, leading to over-criminalization and arguable abuses of power. Continue reading >>
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20 March 2018
A Constitutional Court Silencing its Critics
After twenty years of operation, the Thai Constitutional Court has finally got its first statute that lays out details of procedural rules. The Organic Act on the Procedure of the Constitutional Court B.E. 2561 (2018) is long overdue. A decade of political chaos had prevented the Parliament from passing the law until the military took power in 2014. The junta-appointed National Legislative Assembly expected it to facilitate the Court through the foreseeably turbulent future. Ironically, turbulences might come from the law itself. Continue reading >>31 January 2017
New Constitutional Amendment Proposal in Turkey: A Threat to Pluralistic Democracy!
Turkey will hold a referendum on a fundamental constitutional reform, probably in April. The designed political regime is neither parliamentarism nor presidentialism. Although the government calls the new political regime as a “Turkish type of presidentialism” with a populist discourse; in reality, the new regime will bring a kind of “delegative democracy”, which is seen usually in the South American, sub-Saharan African and in central Asian countries. Continue reading >>
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