05 April 2024
European Democracy at Stake in Battle of the EP versus Orbán
Shortly after the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty in 2009, the European Parliament expressed its concern about the rule of law in Hungary. 14 years later, the EP still, and yet again, discusses PM Orbán’s lack of respect for the values of the Union. The forthcoming debate on 10 April will be the Parliament’s last chance to prevent the scheduled takeover of the Council-Presidency by Hungary. The EP and the European Council must prevent a self-proclaimed illiberal leader from assuming the Presidency of the Council and thus protect the democratic nature of the European Union. Continue reading >>
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04 April 2024
Strengthening the Resilience of the Rule of Law through Democracy
For almost a decade now, the European Union (EU) has been struggling with the erosion of the rule of law in some of its Member States. The IEP explored the various pillars of the rule of law resilience, culminating in the recent RESILIO report. Unsurprisingly, the independent judiciary and effective public administration prove to be key for the functioning of the rule of law. To remain resilient, the rule of law needs a solid democratic political culture anchored in a robust civil society, independent media, and a sound public debate. Henceforth, a long-term investment in democracy is the best way to strengthen the resilience of the rule of law. Continue reading >>
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03 April 2024
The Spitzenkandidaten Practice in the Spotlight
Ten years have lapsed since the first successful attempt to launch the Spitzenkandidaten practice in 2014. With the European political parties midway through selecting their lead candidates once again, the upcoming European elections raise questions about the constitutional nature of this informal practice. The following comment aims to enquire what consequences, given the evolving dynamics of the practice, can be attached to a potential failure to designate a Spitzenkandidat. In particular, I argue that only if the SK process evolves into a constitutional customary rule, it is possible to conceive a duty upon the European Council to consider appointing the leading candidate from the party winning the elections of the European Parliament. Continue reading >>
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28 March 2024
The Kovačević Case Revisited
On 20 March 2023 the Council of the European Union gave Bosnia and Hercegovina green light to start accession negotiations. However, despite this political endorsement, BiH must fulfill the conditionality criteria, including a series of six judgments by the ECtHR relating to the predetermined ethnic keys. The last case, Kovačević v. BiH, was referred to the Grand Chamber in December 2023. If the Court follows its previous case law, this should force the mono-ethnic political parties and their leaders as well as the EU institutions to insist on de-blocking the constitutional impasse for any realistic steps towards European integration. Continue reading >>
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25 March 2024
Silence is Golden, but not Mandatory
Last week, European Commissioner Breton received a slap on the wrist from the commission’s officials. After he (politically unwise) criticized the process of electing Ursula von der Leyen as the EPP’s leading candidate on X (formally Twitter), the Commission’s Secretary General did not mince his words in reminding him of his obligations under EU law and the potential sanctions for violating them. In this post, I argue that one cannot construe the duties of the Members of the Commission as a prohibition of political expressions of any kind. Continue reading >>
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22 March 2024
How to Avoid Another Botched EU Enlargement by Sticking to the Rules
Is the European Union once again about to duck the challenge of constitutional reform? Even the imperative of Ukraine’s accession does not impel the EU to strengthen its governance. The European Parliament has made formal proposals to change the treaty from unanimity to QMV. The Commission equivocates. The European Council simply sits on the dossier, looking for excuse after excuse. Worse, a new idea is being floated in Brussels that mixes bad law with bad politics. The ruse is to use Article 49 TEU, the accession clause, instead of Article 48. I explain here why this approach will neither help Ukraine nor salvage the Union’s self-respect. Continue reading >>21 March 2024
For a Postcolonial reading of the EU
The use of the terms 'decolonial', 'postcolonial' and 'race' has become fashionable, particularly in Anglo-American legal scholarship. However few legal scholars in recent years have ventured into postcolonial approaches to European Union law. I will argue that one cannot understand the history and law of the European Union if one fails to understand and acknowledge colonialism. Continue reading >>
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19 March 2024
The Fall of The Great Paywall for EU Harmonised Standards
In case C-588/21 P, the CJEU dismantled a foundational axiom of the European Standardisation System: the paywall of harmonised standards. The Court confirmed that harmonised standards are an integral part of EU law, mandating their free accessibility. In this commentary, I posit that the Court’s decision imposes a proactive publication obligation and challenges the existing copyright protection afforded to harmonised standards. Continue reading >>
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18 March 2024
FIFA Transfer System Rules in front of the Court
The governance of professional football is facing turbulent times. After three verdicts on 21 December 2023 (ESL, RAFC and ISU), the next case potentially sanctioning football governance is already well underway. In the pending Diarra case (C-650/22), the validity of the FIFA transfer system is at stake. Transfers are among the bread and butter of daily football practice. Any flaw in the transfer system will affect the whole industry. This blog post explores Diarra from a competition law perspective. Continue reading >>15 March 2024
The Sovereign Protection Office as the Tip of the Iceberg
In December 2023, the Hungarian Parliament passed a law establishing a Sovereign Protection Office—a state administration which now possesses unfettered access to personal data to find and sanction supposed foreign agents among the Hungarian populace. This office operates at will and without oversight, offers no avenue for legal redress, and wields prison time upwards of three years. In recent weeks, the European Commission launched an infringement proceeding over the law, and the European Parliament called on the European Council to consider Article 7(2) procedures. Continue reading >>
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