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    • 9/119/11 jährt sich zum 20. Mal. Welche Spuren hat dieses Ereignis in der globalen und nationalen Verfassungs- und Menschenrechtsarchitektur hinterlassen? Dieser Frage wollen wir in einer Folge von Online-Symposien nachgehen. Gefördert von der Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung bringen wir Rechtswissenschaftler_innen aus verschiedenen Regionen und Rechtskulturen darüber ins Gespräch, was aus den Erfahrungen der vergangenen zwei Jahrzehnte in Hinblick auf Völkerrecht und internationale Menschenrechte, Asyl und Migration, Überwachung im öffentlichen und privaten Raum, Presse- und Informationsfreiheit, Menschenwürde sowie Rechtsstaatlichkeit und Justiz zu lernen ist.
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19 Mai 2021
Yaniv Roznai

The Basic Structure Doctrine arrives in Kenya

On 13 May 2021, a panel of five High Court justices ruled that the so-called Basic Structure Doctrine applies in Kenya. The judgment is not only a milestone from the perspective of comparative constitutional law; it might also change the future landscape of constitutionalism in Africa. Continue reading >>
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16 April 2021
Asylai Akisheva

Women’s Rights in the New Kyrgyz Constitution

On April 11, 2021, Kyrgyzstan held a referendum on the adoption of 81 amendments to its Constitution, which almost amounts to an entirely new Constitution. Setting aside all the numerous procedural violations of the constitutional law, in conjunction, the separate provisions of the new Constitution risk becoming a regressive tool that could suppress the position of women in Kyrgyzstan. Continue reading >>
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19 Februar 2021
Mahir Tokatlı

A Turkish Fairy Tale About a ‚New, Civilian Constitution‘

President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan is once again calling for a 'new, civilian constitution', although the previous round of far-reaching constitutional amendments have only been in force for 2.5 years. Due to declining approval rates, the AKP is turning to well-proven populist strategies, initiating debates on the constitution while referring positively to the inclusive constitution of 1921. Despite this rhetoric, the ruling AKP is not interested in a new constitution at all, but rather in specific modifications that will secure their own power. Continue reading >>
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03 Dezember 2020
Šimon Drugda

On Collision Course with the Material Core of the Slovak Constitution

Last week on Tuesday, the Constitutional Committee of the Slovak Parliament discussed the most extraordinary subject in a meeting attended by a most extraordinary guest. The Committee was reviewing a draft constitutional amendment on judicial reform that would, among other things, take away the power of the Constitutional Court to review constitutional amendments. At the meeting, the Minister of Justice and MPs discussed potential benefits and drawbacks of stripping the Court of the jurisdiction to review constitutional amendments, with the President of the Court seated next to them. The proposal represents the last escalation in the conflict about who has the final word on the contents of the Constitution. Continue reading >>
1
18 November 2020
Eszter Polgári, Tamás Dombos

A New Chapter in the Hungarian Government’s Crusade Against LGBTQI People

On 10 November 2020 - the same day the Hungarian National Assembly authorized the Government to rule by decree for 90 days in the state of danger - the Minister of Justice submitted a whole package of legislative reforms. Among them, the Ninth Amendment to the Fundamental Law of Hungary. Two proposed amendments would directly detrimentally affect the rights of the LGBTQI community, which, we argue, would make it extremely difficult to deconstruct the institutionalized trans- and homophobia which the government has been further entrenching for years. Continue reading >>
1
12 November 2020
Viktor Z. Kazai

Power Grab in Times of Emergency

In the late hours on 10 November, the National Assembly adopted an Enabling Act authorizing the Orbán cabinet to govern by decree for 90 days, even though the executive already had very broad legislative power due to the introduction of the medical state of emergency. The ink was barely dry on the approval of the delegation of extraordinary legislative power to the government, when the Minister of Justice introduced several bills on important legislative reforms, such as the Ninth Amendment to the Fundamental Law and changes to the electoral system. Continue reading >>
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03 November 2020
Cullen O'Keefe

Stabilizing the US Judiciary by Threatening to Pack It

Reforming the judicial appointment process in the US will take a constitutional amendment. Without it, reform attempts are likely to fail. For conservatives especially, altering the courts now, after securing a very conservative majority unprecedented in recent history, will seem unappealing. They may (perhaps correctly) conclude that, given their systematic advantages in the Senate and therefore electoral college, endless escalation is a game they may be able to win. This blog post proposes a simple mechanism that aims to force a stabilizing constitutional amendment forward while preserving the option to escalate if they cannot secure cooperation from the Republican party. Continue reading >>
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09 Oktober 2020
Maximilian Steinbeis

Rule of Law as Ideology

On pride, humility and German-American constitutional friendship Continue reading >>
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02 Juli 2020
Johannes Socher

Farewell to the European Constitutional Tradition

On 1 July 2020, with Russia’s coronavirus cases passing 650,000 and following an elaborate spectacle of public affirmation, the Russian electorate eventually confirmed the constitutional amendments. First proposed by Russian president Vladimir Putin in January, the 2020 Russian Constitutional Amendments were initially planned to enter into force only three months later upon approval in an ‘all-Russian vote’ scheduled for 22 April 2020 but had to be postponed due to the spread of the coronavirus. Although many of these amendments have to be considered mainly symbolic, they constitute the most fundamental changes of Russia’s Constitution in its 26-year history. Continue reading >>
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20 Januar 2020
Maxim Timofeev, Olga Kryazhkova

Personal instead of Institutional Power

The gist of the constitutional reform suggestions in Russia is to cement the power of Vladimir Putin once he leaves the office, and to make this in a safe, controlled environment. The latter aim cannot be achieved within the boundaries established by the Constitution. Thus, the constitutional requirements are thrown into the litter bin of necessity. However, circumventing formal procedures still calls for a sort of justification. That is why the proposed plan relies on substitutes that would mask its deficiencies. Continue reading >>
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Verfassungsblog is a journalistic and academic forum of debate on topical events and developments in constitutional law and politics in Germany, the emerging common European constitutional space and beyond.

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