Need a new search?
If you didn't find what you were looking for, try a new search!
A Network in Defense of the Rule of European Constitutional Law
In face of the erosion of the role of the judiciary, which is undermining the power and independence of many courts worldwide, European national courts stand in a stronger position. They benefit from the support of a robust network of actors committed to defending shared European values.
Continue reading >>
Aristotle in the Commission
Today, the European Commission issued its fifth Annual Rule of Law Report (ARoLR). While this monitoring exercise has come a long way and has been significantly improved, the rule of law backsliding remains one of the most pressing issues of the EU. In the following I present seven recommendations how to improve the Commission’s monitoring exercise. At the core lies a differentiation between a democracy and a hybrid regime. Once a Member State qualifies as the latter, it must be treated accordingly.
Continue reading >>
The Collective Memory of Trauma and Why it Still Matters
Holocaust historian Jan Tomasz Gross claimed in a 2015 article that the immigration crisis in Europe is inextricably linked to the way Europeans today contend with their group’s behavior during the Holocaust. What does the influx of mostly Muslim immigrants to Europe have to do with how Europeans treated their Jewish population eighty years ago? According to Gross, the answer lies in whether nations acknowledge their historical culpability, most notably in the case of Germany, or whether they actively try to deny any wrongdoing, such as in the cases of Poland and Hungary.
Continue reading >>
Never Again Say “Never Again”
“Never Again” is one of those slogans on which practically everyone can agree. How can one not? (Unless you belong to the flat-earth Holocaust-denial lunatic fringe). When we use “Never Again” it is, of course, a shorthand to the enormity of German National Socialism. The pledge “Never Again” is absolute in time: Never again. It is absolute in space too: “That” cannot and should not ever take place anywhere. It is universal: It bridges Left and Right, North and South, Rich and Poor. Standing at the barricades under the “Never Again” banner is both powerful and self-empowering. But herein lies its potential for abuse. What exactly is the “that” which must never happen again?
Continue reading >>
Ensuring the Mission of Public Service Broadcasters
Public Service Broadcasters (PSBs) are publicly organised and funded broadcasters, organised by each of the EU’s Member State with a great degree of discretion and under a unique legal framework. Politicised interventions and the decline of PSBs’ independence threaten their ability to adequately perform their role and offer citizens a high-quality public service which meets the public’s democratic and cultural needs. The politicisation of PSBs by national authorities, coupled with the increasing concerns about media freedom, shows that some type of regulatory intervention is necessary.
Continue reading >>
Biting More Than It Can Chew
Among (too) many other things, the recently adopted European Media Freedom Act (EMFA) introduced an assessment of the impact of media market concentration on media pluralism and editorial independence. It thereby aims to address the growing economic threats media pluralism and freedom have been facing all across Europe. However, when considering recent media merger cases in Poland as well as the substantive and institutional competition law framework, it is uncertain whether the Act will provide efficient solutions.
Continue reading >>
Taking Extra Care of the Media?
The adoption of the European Media Freedom Act broke new ground in the EU’s approach to media law. Amongst other goals, the EMFA seeks to address the risk of restricting media content by online platforms by envisaging the special, privileged, treatment of media service providers in the area of content moderation. This post discusses the extent of the privilege granted to media service providers and the relationship between the EMFA and the DSA.
Continue reading >>
Why and How the Hungarian Presidency Must Be Stopped
It took less than a week for Viktor Orbán to make the worst predictions about the Hungarian Presidency of the Council become true. Yet with a twist. If many had warned about the danger that such a Presidency would have paralysed the internal operation of the EU, nobody expected this could also cause confusion and damage to the Union’s foreign policy. How the EU Member States will react to it may define the overall credibility of the Union on the international stage, particularly at a time when it increasingly faces significant challenges both from within and the outside.
Continue reading >>
On Tables, Markets, and Free Speech
On the surface level, we see private actors exercising more and more power over speech; on a deeper level though, we might be returning to a far older discussion about the interplay of private and public power, and the fate of an individual who lives in the crash zone between them. Given that the result of this clash largely comes down to choosing a proper regulatory policy, this contribution argues that when regulating market-situated speech particular caution should be exercised.
Continue reading >>
‘Democracies Die in Silence’
What is ‘media’ in a digitalized society where boundaries between news, commercial and social content are increasingly blurred? What do we really mean by ‘media pluralism’? These are all key questions liberal democracies in Europe and beyond need answers to, given both political challenges and the rise of market power and Big Tech companies whose actions affect media markets. While the law will not solve all of the problems associated with these developments, it can help in imposing limits on the way in which political and market power is used. This necessitates a sustained and informed debate as to what the existing legal framework offers and what additional legal responses are necessary.
Continue reading >>
Prison for Fake News
In Cyprus, a new legislative proposal introduces a prison sentence of up to five years on those spreading fake news. I argue that criminally punishing fake news is absolutely horrifying for free speech, for media pluralism, and for democracy. Criminalizing fake news has a “chilling effect” and it causes a self-censorship by media, civil society organizations, and average citizens. Moreover, the concept of fake news is highly ambiguous and its criminalization is counterproductive as it is not reducing the problematic content but “often draws more attention to it.”
Continue reading >>
Ukraine, the Netherlands and 26 Third States Without Russia Before the ECtHR
The hearing in the case of Ukraine, the Netherlands v Russia lasted four hours and twenty-five minutes. more than double than an “ordinary” Grand Chamber hearing. These four hours and twenty-five minutes are an important milestone in what is undoubtedly one of the most important set of cases in the history of European Convention on Human Rights. They cover more than ten years of Russian activities in Eastern Ukraine, including the open war of aggression since February 2022. The number of third parties involved in the proceedings likewise renders the case extraordinary.
Continue reading >>
The Lighthouse of EU Law Shines on the Polish Constitutional Tribunal
Last week, legal scholars from all over the world met in Freiburg at the ConTrans conference. On the one end of the spectrum, scholars like Woijcech Sadurski advocated for a revolutionary approach, simply dismantling the current Tribunal and re-building it from scratch. On the other end stands Adam Bodnar, who stressed the importance of legality in the transition process. In my view, EU law shines a possible way ahead – it can justify disregarding the Tribunal’s decisions and empower ordinary courts to assume the Tribunal’s jurisdiction. Eventually, this would lead to a decentralised constitutional review.
Continue reading >>
In Favour of the Hungarian Council Presidency
On the 1 July 2024, Hungary will start its second EU Council Presidency. In light of Hungary’s continuous breaches of the rule of law, questions have been posed whether the Presidency could be postponed or cancelled (also here). However, given the mere informal powers of the Presidency, I argue that the real damage is rather limited, especially because the Hungarian Presidency takes place just after the European elections. Finally, the Hungarian Presidency may even improve the connection of its citizens with the EU and show the best version of itself to the other Member States.
Continue reading >>
Rule of Law Chickens Coming Home to Roost
Ongoing assaults by Viktor Orbán’s Fidesz administration on the rule of law in Hungary have produced manifold reactions, generally of depressingly limited effectiveness. Last week, on 13 June 2024, in Case C-123/22 European Commission v Hungary, the Court ordered a record lump sum payment of €200,000,000 and a penalty payment of €1,000,000 per day of delay until an earlier 2020 Court ruling is complied with. Hungary thus received a stinging reminder that the Court of Justice is not toothless when it comes to the rule of law.
Continue reading >>
Austria‘s Action for Annulment
On 17 June, Austrian Minister for Climate Action and Environment Leonore Gewessler voted in favor of the Nature Restoration Law in the EU Council of Ministers. Although a seemingly unspectacular thing for a minister to do, this set off a political scandal and constitutional dispute in Austria. This blogpost examines whether one of the most ambitious pieces of EU environmental legislation could be struck down by the Austrian federalist system and an angry coalition partner within it. It argues that, given that this is essentially an internal national dispute, an action for annulment before the CJEU does not appear to be the appropriate legal remedy and is unlikely to succeed.
Continue reading >>Öffentlich-rechtlicher (G)rundfunk?
Nicht nur in den Kommentarspalten unter Social-Media-Posts von ARD und ZDF werden immer öfter Forderungen nach der Abschaffung des ‚zwangsfinanzierten‘ öffentlich-rechtlichen Rundfunks (ÖRR) laut. Ähnliche Forderungen genießen auch im analogen Leben große Beliebtheit, vor allem bei Anhängern der AfD. Die AfD sieht den ÖRR als Instrument für „Indoktrination und Propaganda“, das in dieser Form abgeschafft gehört, Björn Höcke hat bereits die Kündigung des Medienstaatsvertrags (MStV) gefordert. Angesichts dieser Entwicklungen und der anstehenden Landtagswahlen in Thüringen, Sachsen und Brandenburg scheint daher die Frage zwingend: Sind die Strukturen des ÖRR gegen Angriffe von Rechtsaußen abgesichert?
Continue reading >>Up to Four Times
The Council of Europe’s requirements for transparency in the process of selecting a national judge for the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) should be strengthened. This is the lesson to be learned from the saga of the selection of a Polish judge, lasting now for more than three years. Poland, which has been going through a crisis of the rule of law in recent years, and the ongoing process of its restoration, may serve as an important example.
Continue reading >>
Why an EU Country under the Surveillance Procedure (Article 7.1 TEU) Should not Chair the Council Presidency
In accordance with the Council Decision on the exercise of the Presidency of the Council of the European Union, from July 1 of this year the office is to be held by Hungary. This occasion will mark the first time that the Presidency will have been held by a Member State that has been subject to the “surveillance” procedure in Article 7(1) of the Treaty on European Union, having been launched by the European Parliament in September 2018. It would now be both prudent and sensible for the Council to delay the Hungarian Presidency to such a time when the Article 7(1) TEU surveillance procedure will have been successfully concluded. Such a postponement should not be considered as a sanction against Hungary, but rather a simple precautionary measure to preserve the smooth functioning of the European Union.
Continue reading >>
Voting for the Government-in-Exile
So far, democracy in Belarus has struggled to establish itself within the country. After the protest movement in 2020, Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya went into exile where she and her supporters have been trying to penetrate the firm autocratic regime of Alexander Lukashenka. On June 8, the results of the elections for the Coordination Council – an exiled substitute assembly for the in situ Belarusian Parliament were announced. Less than 7,000 people participated in the vote. Despite the considerable efforts to mobilise the voters for the Coordination Council, the exiled opposition has failed to secure any meaningful turnout and thus its much-needed further democratic legitimacy.
Continue reading >>Hitting the Pause Button on the EU Project?
What is at stake in these elections.
Continue reading >>
Militant Public Administration
An unprecedented scandal surrounding a Polish governmental fund established to aid crime victims highlights the role of civil servants in authoritarian state capture. The revelations surrounding the Justice Fund show broad levels of bureaucratic acquiescence with shocking abuses of power, and only belated effort to document and report these abuses. The Polish case shows it is time for a democratically militant public administration – the new vision of civil service better prepared to fend off authoritarian encroachment from elected politicians.
Continue reading >>
On Rebuilding and … Keeping the Rule of Law
When I think about the challenge of rebuilding the rule of law in Poland after years filled with unimaginably lawless legal and factual acts and hateful words tearing the Polish Constitution to shreds and offering adequate recipes, the starting point is framing the discussion. A correct description of the starting point determines the route and provides the background against which one can evaluate more detailed legislative choices made along the way. The route must be determined by “fidelity to the Constitution”. Finally, our avowed destination must be framed in clear terms as restoring the meaning and respect to the basic elements of the Polish legal order. I argue that the latter must become the new narrative of lawyers, politicians and citizens alike if we are to succeed.
Continue reading >>
The Autocratic Party-Structure of PiS
Political parties are the heart of every parliamentary democracy. This post aims to explore what categorises political party-structure as autocratic and postulates a reform of political parties in Poland as partially inspired by German legal solutions. Namely, the main executive body of the party must consist of at least three members elected no less frequently than every two years. Furthermore, all party members must be allowed to propose electoral candidates. Finally, decisions on party offices and electoral nominations must be carried out by a secret ballot.
Continue reading >>
On the border, the war is relatively close
500 meters away from Poland.
Continue reading >>
Legalising Illegality
Following Russia’s on-going facilitation of migrants to the Finnish border since last fall, Finland’s newly formed right-wing coalition government has closed the eastern land border indefinitely on 4 April 2024. Worried that this step will not be enough to ensure national security, the government is finalising a Draft Act on Temporary Measures to Combat Instrumentalised Migration, currently under revision.The draft bill allows for pushbacks in violation of non-refoulement and openly admits a conflict with Finland’s human rights obligations, EU law and own constitutional system, which is unusual. The unprecedented nature of the proposed measures is particularly worrying given that the Act appears unlikely to effectively address the essentially political problem that “migrant instrumentalisation” poses.
Continue reading >>From Gaza to Manhattan and Back
The real protectors of the universities.
Continue reading >>
Rebuilding the Rule of Law
The victory of the opposition in the parliamentary elections in Poland in 2023 followed by the formation of a coalition government paved the way for the rebuilding of the rule of law after a period of its systematic violation during the 8-year rule of PiS. The first four months of the new government have already shown that this process will not be easy. However, certain actions aimed at rebuilding the violated standards have already been taken. Three goals and values should be among the guiding principles in the process of rebuilding the rule of law in Poland: legalism, legal certainty, and building citizens' trust in public institutions.
Continue reading >>
The Enemy Within
Naivety persists when it comes to understanding the scope of the hybrid war that Russia is currently waging against us, with the role played by the Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban being a good example. European diplomats, politicians and commentators continue to underestimate the security risk that he poses as Putin's willing puppet. As a result, they are right now sleepwalking into what will likely be a disastrous Hungarian EU Presidency, not only for the Union itself but also for Ukraine.
Continue reading >>Unfree, Unfair, and Insecure
It is essential to recognize that elections encompass more than just the act of casting votes on election day.
Continue reading >>
The Ball is in the Game
In 2017 strategic lawsuits against public participation (SLAPPs) became an important topic on the EU level. As a result, the EU adopted the anti-SLAPP Directive, which shall protect journalists from abusive lawsuits that do not serve justice but only the sinister aim of silencing free press. However, there is important litigation as well. In 2024 the Real Madrid Club de Fútbol vs Le Monde case addressed the problem of exorbitant damages targeting press and introducing a deterrent effect on freedom of speech in transnational cases. From a rule of law and, especially, freedom of the press angle, the case is of paramount importance as it forwards a simple but groundbreaking argument: two of EU law’s most fundamental principles, mutual recognition and freedom of speech, are a strong basis to fight SLAPPs.
Continue reading >>
Pushbacks From Europe’s Borders Enter the Mainstream
The Polish reckoning with the illiberal turn of the past years seemingly does not apply to the unlawful practice of pushbacks on the Poland-Belarus border. The unlawful practices, best exemplified by pushbacks, have come to be accepted in the European mainstream. The humanitarian crisis on the Poland-Belarus border and its handling by the new government, together with its rejection of the New Pact on Migration and Asylum, vividly illustrates this point.
Continue reading >>
Solidarity Crimes, Legitimacy Limits
The criminalisation of humanitarianism has become pervasive in the EU over the last two decades. Overbroad definitions of the crimes of facilitation of irregular entry, transit and stay produce well known noxious effects on the human rights of migrants and civil society organisations. Nevertheless, the tendency has been to tighten the rules rather than contesting the EU’s failure to pursue a migration control system that is ‘fair towards third-country nationals’ and constructed ‘with respect for fundamental rights.’ In this blogpost, I argue that the EU legislator’s disregard for the human rights impacts of the facilitation regime constitutes an abuse of power. Legislative measures that have the effect of subverting legally enshrined principles (Arts 2, 6 & 21 TEU) and suppress the rights of civil society and the migrants with whom they engage are incompatible with core democratic premises.
Continue reading >>
A Non-EU Rule of Law Commission
In March, the European Parliament decided to sue the European Commission over a quid pro quo exchange of European Union funds with Hungary for support of Ukraine EU accession. This lawsuit marks a striking culmination of a years-long failure on the part of the Commission to protect the rule of law. Given frustrating delays from Brussels, this blog post proposes a non-EU accountability mechanism—a so-called Rule of Law Commission—to bolster and reinforce commitments to rule of law issues among European states.
Continue reading >>
Hercules or Sisyphus? On the legacy of statutory lawlessness in post-autocratic Poland
A constitutional responsibility.
Continue reading >>
The Transformation of European Climate Change Litigation
In a transformative moment for European and global climate litigation, the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) ruled today that the state has a positive duty to adopt, and effectively implement in practice, regulations and measures capable of mitigating the existing and potentially irreversible future effects of climate change. In Verein KlimaSeniorinnen Schweiz and Others v. Switzerland (“KlimaSeniorinnen”), the Court held that by failing to put in place a domestic regulatory framework for climate change mitigation, the Swiss government violated Article 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), the right to respect for private and family life. The judgment is a milestone for human rights protection.
Continue reading >>European Democracy at Stake in Battle of the EP versus Orbán
Shortly after the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty in 2009, the European Parliament expressed its concern about the rule of law in Hungary. 14 years later, the EP still, and yet again, discusses PM Orbán’s lack of respect for the values of the Union. The forthcoming debate on 10 April will be the Parliament’s last chance to prevent the scheduled takeover of the Council-Presidency by Hungary. The EP and the European Council must prevent a self-proclaimed illiberal leader from assuming the Presidency of the Council and thus protect the democratic nature of the European Union.
Continue reading >>
Strengthening the Resilience of the Rule of Law through Democracy
For almost a decade now, the European Union (EU) has been struggling with the erosion of the rule of law in some of its Member States. The IEP explored the various pillars of the rule of law resilience, culminating in the recent RESILIO report. Unsurprisingly, the independent judiciary and effective public administration prove to be key for the functioning of the rule of law. To remain resilient, the rule of law needs a solid democratic political culture anchored in a robust civil society, independent media, and a sound public debate. Henceforth, a long-term investment in democracy is the best way to strengthen the resilience of the rule of law.
Continue reading >>
Party Bans and Populism in Europe
In the latest episode in a decades-long conversation about militant democracy, the growing electoral success and radicalization of Alternative for Germany have relaunched debates about the appropriateness of restricting the political rights of those who might use those rights to undermine the liberal democratic order. While it is typical for dictatorships to ban parties, democracies also do so, but for different reasons and with compunction. Party bans respond to varying rationales which have evolved over time. However, a ban on the right-wing populist Alternative for Germany would be out of step with more general patterns of opposition to such parties in Europe.
Continue reading >>
The Janus-Faced Culture of EU Law
Can there be a cultural study of EU law? The notion of legal culture is notoriously tricky. It is both omnipresent and yet seemingly ungraspable. Can we nevertheless hope to dispel the mystery of legal culture, and seize this notion as an object of study? And can it provide a method to improve our understanding of EU law?
Continue reading >>
Polish(ing) Broken Tribunal
Resetting the Constitutional Tribunal in Poland after the Law and Justice Party's eight years in power is a Herculean task. However, the constitutional and political room for maneuver for the new government turns out to be quite limited.
Continue reading >>
The Triumph of EU Law in Context?
Whereas law-in-context analyses of Community law were relatively rare in the early 1990s, they seemed to flourish from that point onwards. Unsurprisingly, even “mainstream” journals, such as the Common Market Law Review, now strive to attract pieces that combine legal analysis with social, political or economic insights. Does that mean that we are all “contextualists” now? Not in my view.
Continue reading >>
Hundred Days of Fico IV Administration
In Slovakia, we are witnessing something truly extraordinary. Within the first hundred days of the new administration, Slovakia has experienced a paradigmatic change in the penal codes, an attack on civil society organizations, an abolishment of the Special Prosecutor’s Office, a bill for a limitation of the whistleblower protection, and politicization of independent institutions. Accordingly, I argue that Slovakia faces a much faster democratic backsliding than what was happening in Hungary and Poland. Based on the pace of the initial steps, we can expect a radical shift in Slovakia’s democratic character and its position in international relations.
Continue reading >>