Sachsens Sonderweg
Sachsen war bereits mehrfach Schauplatz von gerichtlichen Auseinandersetzungen zwischen (rechtsextremen) Bewerber*innen zum juristischen Vorbereitungsdienst und dem Freistaat. Nun darf erneut eine Person, die zuvor in einem anderen Bundesland aufgrund mangelnder Verfassungstreue abgelehnt wurde, das Referendariat im Freistaat antreten. Eine neue Entscheidung des dortigen OVG zeigt auf, dass extremistische Bewerber*innen zukünftig kaum noch abgelehnt werden können. Sachsen droht ein Zufluchtsort für extremistische Personen zu werden.
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Doxing Judges
More than a decade after the Baka judgment, Hungary’s judges remain exposed. A massive data leak has revealed personal details of nearly 200,000 citizens — including judges — allegedly linked to an opposition app. Pro-government media swiftly published their names, questioning their impartiality and even calling for dismissals. Instead of protecting those targeted, judicial leaders hinted at disciplinary action.
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Neutralising the Captured Court
In September 2025, the CJEU ruled in the AW ‘T’ (C-225/22) case on the status of decisions issued by the Chamber of Extraordinary Control. Already in its previous case law, in L.G. v KRS, the Court found preliminary references from that Chamber to be inadmissible. Moreover, in the W.Ż. case, the Court had already considered certain decisions as “null and void” under certain conditions. However, the new AW ‘T’ case broadens the applicability of the “null and void” sanctions which will be of great importance for the Polish efforts to address the consequences of the rule of law crisis.
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Autocratic Legalism vs. Lawfare
Ekrem İmamoğlu, the Mayor of Istanbul, has been imprisoned for 200 days without indictment as the Turkish government weaponizes the judiciary to eliminate political opposition. This case exemplifies a shift from autocratic legalism to "lawfare," where legal tools are used strategically to suppress democratic competition. İmamoğlu’s situation reveals the deepening authoritarianism in Turkey as the ruling regime abandons fair elections in favor of coercive control.
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Im Süden nichts Neues
Am 12. September hat das VG Stuttgart mit einer einstweiligen Anordnung Schlagzeilen gemacht, als es den pauschalen Ausschluss von AfD-Vorschlägen für die Wahl ehrenamtlicher Richter für unzulässig erklärte. Vor allem wurde kritisiert, das Gericht habe der AfD damit den Weg zu ehrenamtlichen Richterstellen geebnet. Doch tatsächlich eignet sich der Beschluss nicht für eine Politisierung: Er trägt nicht dazu bei, Verfassungsfeinde vom Amt am Verwaltungsgericht auszuschließen. Vielmehr hat das VG Stuttgart erneut die Maßstäbe herausgestellt, die sich aus Art. 33 Abs. 2 GG für den gleichen Zugang zu öffentlichen Ämtern ergeben.
Continue reading >>Unwavering Loyalty
On 5 August 2025, the Cameroonian Constitutional Council upheld a Resolution made by Cameroon’s elections management body to exclude opposition leader Maurice Kamto from the presidential election scheduled for 12 October 2025. The decision effectively eliminates the strongest opposition contender from the race and was misguided by its narrow formalism. While judicial formalism may, in some cases, be defensible for the sake of certainty and predictability, the Constitutional Council’s selective adherence to it makes its motivation questionable.
Continue reading >>Systemic Pathologies
Bulgaria has been marked by worrisome developments pointing to its democratic decline. After the Sofia Court of Appeal upheld the pre-trial detention of the city of Varna’s mayor Blagomir Kotsev, the Supreme Judicial Council refused to apply the six-month limit on Borislav Sarafov’s tenure as acting Prosecutor General. Taken together, these episodes point to a systemic pathology: institutions formally invoke the law, yet interpret it in ways that deprive it of its normative sense. Legality is reduced to form without substance, and no longer protects rights but instead serves as an instrument of institutional self-preservation and control.
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The Judicial Overhaul Post October 7
In the span of one year, Israel experienced two historic crises: a constitutional crisis triggered by the 2023 judicial overhaul and a national security emergency following Hamas’ October 7 attack. Either event alone could have destabilized democratic institutions, yet their convergence deepened threats to Israel’s liberal democracy. Contrary to the expectations of many Israelis, the security crisis did not halt the judicial reform process. Instead, it served as a smokescreen that enabled the government’s continued pursuit of populist constitutional transformation.
Continue reading >>Blurring the Divide between Legal and Political Liability
The Thai Constitutional Court removed Paetongtarn Shinawatra, the Prime Minister of Thailand, from office due to a scandal involving a leaked phone call. Paetongtarn was accused of carrying out her office “dishonestly” and “unethically”. The suspension order demonstrates the continued judicial encroachment upon the political branch. It also highlights the danger of the 2017 Constitution’s moralistic obsession with unrealistically clean and pure politics.
Continue reading >>Null and Void
A judgment of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) from September 4 confirmed that the Chamber of Extraordinary Control and Public Affairs of the Supreme Court in Poland is illegitimate. The ruling not only exposes the collapse of judicial legitimacy at the highest level, but also shows how chaos in the Polish judiciary disrupts the lives of ordinary citizens, with proceedings suspended because higher courts’ judgments are void. For Waldemar Żurek, the new Minister of Justice, it offers a powerful argument to accelerate efforts to restore the rule of law before the political window closes.
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Bolsonaro’s Conviction
Last week, former president Jair Bolsonaro was sentenced by the Brazilian Supreme Court to 27 years in prison for orchestrating a conspiracy to stay in power after losing the 2022 election. Some high-ranking military officers involved in the plot also received lighter sentences. Brazil could serve as a lesson to the world about combating authoritarian populism, but the expectation that the decision will restrain the military should be treated with caution.
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To Uniformity and Beyond
After the Hungarian judiciary had already faced controversy over the preliminary reference procedure under Article 267 TFEU in the question phase, a new tension has emerged. The supreme judicial body in Hungary now seeks to intervene in the answer phase of the procedure – aiming to shape the referring court’s interpretation and application of the CJEU’s ruling. These dynamics foreshadow an institutional conflict over how the Hungarian judiciary internalizes and operationalizes the jurisprudence of the CJEU. At stake is the fulfillment of the principle of sincere cooperation enshrined in Article 4(3) TEU.
Continue reading >>Schwächung eines starken Gerichts
Weltweit geraten Verfassungsgerichte unter Druck. Während die Delegitimierungsversuche der Justiz in einigen Kontexten gut dokumentiert werden, erhalten andere Fälle bislang nur wenig Aufmerksamkeit. Hierzu zählt auch Ecuador, wo Präsident Daniel Noboa jüngst einen Marsch auf das Verfassungsgericht anführte. Die Schärfe der Delegitimationskampagnen gegen das Gericht ist auch mit den Partikularitäten der ecuadorianischen Verfassungsordnung zu erklären: Deren weitreichende Garantien erschweren es Noboa, den Staat nach seinen Vorstellungen umzubauen.
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Authoritarians Who Hate Judicial Accountability
In Slovakia, a unique situation is unfolding. The country is ruled by an authoritarian government that restricts fundamental rights of its citizens, puts independent institutions under political control, exploits fast-track legislative procedures, and threatens the judges of the constitutional court. Yet, this same government is in favour of more judicial autonomy, less accountability, and higher salaries for judges. The government thus seems to have hit upon a convenient strategy: granting judges greater benefits in exchange for their loyalty.
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Schmutz und Würde
Mit der Entscheidung von Frauke Brosius-Gersdorf, für die Wahl als Richterin des Bundesverfassungsgerichts nicht mehr zur Verfügung zu stehen, endete eine politische Hängepartie für die schwarz-rote Koalition. Zugleich kulminierte auch eine teils sehr heftig und unfair geführte Debatte über die inhaltlichen Positionen und Qualifikationen von Frauke Brosius-Gersdorf. In einer Demokratie für ein öffentliches Amt zu kandidieren und sich damit einer Wahl zu stellen, ist immer eine Herausforderung und verdient per se genauso Respekt wie die Entscheidung, von einer solchen Kandidatur aus politischen Gründen zurückzutreten. Gleichzeitig wirft die Erklärung von Brosius-Gersdorf in drei Punkten Fragen auf.
Continue reading >>Warum politisch denkende Verfassungsrichter kein Problem sind
Frauke Brosius-Gersdorf hat ihre Kandidatur für die Wahl zur Bundesverfassungsrichterin zurückgezogen. Die Debatte gibt Anlass, einmal deutlich zu machen, dass sich Verfassungsgerichtsbarkeit und Politik in der Art ihrer Entscheidungsfindung unterscheiden, und gerade dieser Unterschied ein Gewinn für demokratisches Regieren ist. Denn es erhöht die Rationalität des Regierens, wenn politische Regelungen noch einmal aus verfassungsrechtlicher Perspektive geprüft werden. Betrachtet man dieses Potential der Verfassungsrechtsprechung, dann stellt sich heraus, dass die Bedenken gegen die Wahl von Frauke Brosius-Gersdorf der Arbeitsweise des Verfassungsgerichtes nicht gerecht wurden.
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