Angriff im Deckmantel der Selbstverteidigung
Die Regierung der Islamischen Republik Iran feuerte am 1. Oktober 2024 Raketen auf Israel. Hierbei gab es mehrere Verletzte, ein Palästinenser im Westjordanland kam ums Leben. Der Iran beruft sich auf das Selbstverteidigungsrecht aus Artikel 51 der UN-Charta als Reaktion auf die Tötung von Führungskräften seiner sogenannten „Achse des Widerstands“ durch Israel. Damit berufen sich beide Parteien auf das Recht zur Selbstverteidigung. Doch das Selbstverteidigungsrecht einer Partei schließt gleichzeitig das Recht der anderen aus. Wer kann sich also tatsächlich auf dieses Recht berufen?
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Why Declaring the Iranian Revolutionary Guards a Terrorist Group is a Trickier Business Than One May Think
The EU did not follow the European Parliament’s call to designate Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) as a terrorist group on the EU’s recent sanctions list. The High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Josep Borrell, justified this decision with the lack of a court decision finding that the IRGC is indeed a terrorist group. Is an EU court decision a pre-condition for sanctioning terrorist groups? Not necessarily. Nevertheless, Borrell does have a point.
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Normative Power Through Protest
On September 16, 2022, Mahsa Amini died in state custody. Since then “a barrier of fear has been broken” in Iran: in the streets of Tehran and other cities in the world, people demonstrate against state-religious heteronomy. How does international law relate to what is happening in Iran and what role could it have? In our view, the assessment of a breach of international law can be both an important contribution for the course of the ongoing protests as well as for the effectiveness of international law itself.
Continue reading >>“Woman. Life. Freedom” and the Fate of Iran’s Constitutional Order
Streets of Tehran and other cities from Kurdistan to Zahedan are the scenes of unprecedented protests in the history of the Islamic Republic of Iran for its fourth consecutive week. The protests initially erupted when Mahsa (Zhina) Amini, a 22-year-old woman who was arrested by Morality Police in Tehran for what the government alleged to be improper hijab, shortly died in police custody. Her death was the latest and most tragic story of countless women whose bodies are policed and are subject to the state’s ideological homogenization on a daily basis.
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Iran’s COVID-19 Response: Who Calls the Shots?
As of January 26, 2021, Iran has reported a total of 57,481 death and more than 1,300,000 confirmed cases of COVID-19, making it the hardest-hit country in the Middle East. After days of denial, Iranian officials finally confirmed the first COVID-19 related death on February 19, 2020. The government’s response in the early days of the pandemic was a preview of what was to come: refusing to quarantine the city of Qom, the first epicenter of COVID in Iran; rejecting the call to postpone the Parliamentary elections; and continuing to receive flights from China, all resulting in the quick spread of the virus across the country.
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Exacerbating the Public Health Emergency in Iran
Iran is one of the hardest hit countries by Covid-19. Responsibility for the scale of the humanitarian crisis in Iran is not limited to the Iranian government, however. Rather, that suffering has been exacerbated by the US blanket sanctions regime currently in place, a regime that was causing serious violations of the rights to health and to life in Iran even before Covid-19 magnified the dangers to public health.
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Ausgangspunkt ist das Gewaltverbot, nicht die Rechtfertigung
Das Gewaltverbot, ein Grundpfeiler des Völkerrechts, verbietet grundsätzlich die Anwendung von Gewalt gegen einen anderen Staat. Es ist zwingendes Recht. Nur ausnahmsweise ist der Einsatz von Gewalt gerechtfertigt. Schon aus diesem Grundsatz-Ausnahme-Verhältnis folgt, dass die USA die Gründe für eine Rechtfertigung selbst vorbringen müssten. Der bisherige Begründungsansatz der USA vermag diese Verstöße jedoch nicht hinreichend zu rechtfertigen.
Continue reading >>Die Tötung von Qassem Soleimani
Die Tötung des hochrangigen iranischen Generals Qassem Soleimani hält die Welt in Atem. Die völkerrechtliche Rechtslage ist einerseits nicht sonderlich komplex, wobei der Fall andererseits dazu angetan ist, Zweifel ob der Leistungsfähigkeit der völkerrechtlichen Regeln weiter zu befeuern und sich Sorgen über die Entwicklung des Völkerrechts zu machen. Vor allem aber unterstreicht er die Besonderheiten des US-amerikanischen Verfassungsrechts, welches mit seiner starken Fokussierung auf die Entscheidungsbefugnis einer einzelnen Person, des US-Präsidenten, kaum in der Lage ist, wirksame „checks and balances“ für den tödlichen Einsatz bewaffneter Gewalt im Ausland zu setzen.
Continue reading >>A Pyrrhic Victory? Iran obtains Provisional Measures against the United States
Last week Iran scored what has widely been reported to be an important legal victory over the United States. The International Court of Justice ordered provisional measures that prohibit key elements of the new administration’s efforts to wage economic warfare against Iran. The ruling is noteworthy for the clarity and stringency of its argument, but also because nobody expects it to alter the existing dispute between the parties in the slightest.
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