Anna M. Puigderrajols Triadó
With the third review of the EU Common Position on Exports of Military Technology and Equipment (EU Common Position) well underway, there is a critical opportunity to align this document with international instruments that incorporate gender considerations in the arms trade. In light of this, the post examines the increasing integration of Gender-Based Violence (GBV) within arms trade legal frameworks and calls for the EU Common Position to explicitly reference gender beyond its already present human rights considerations.
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Anna Kompatscher, Susanna Roßbach
In July, the Italian Constitutional Court recognised the existence of non-binary people for the first time in Italian history. Although the decision as such is a big step for queer rights in Italy, the Court stops halfway. In contrast to the German “Dritte Option” decision, the Court does not set clear instructions or deadlines for the Parliament. Italy’s current far-right political climate likely means non-binary gender markers will not be introduced by the Italian Parliament anytime soon.
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Dina Lupin, Maria Antonia Tigre, Natalia Urzola Gutiérrez
This blog post discusses the relevance of the KlimaSeniorinnen case to the discussion of vulnerability and intersectional gender in climate litigation. To date, very few climate cases have addressed the gendered dimensions of climate change and there was some hope that this case would. However, as this post argues, despite the fact that KlimaSeniorinnen is a case about the impacts of climate change on elderly women, the Court fails to meaningfully engage with gender as a determinant of the harms suffered by individuals. Gender remains an overlooked issue in climate litigation.
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Ulrike Lembke
In Hessen haben sich CDU und SPD für ihre Koalitionsverhandlungen auf ein Eckpunktepapier geeinigt, in dem sie auch ankündigen festzuschreiben, „dass in staatlichen und öffentlich-rechtlichen Institutionen (wie Schulen, Universitäten, Rundfunk) auf das Gendern mit Sonderzeichen verzichtet wird und eine Orientierung am Rat der deutschen Sprache erfolgt“. Gemeint ist damit ein Verbot geschlechtergerechter Sprache nicht nur für Schulen, sondern auch für grundrechtsberechtigte (und ‑verpflichtete) Körperschaften und Anstalten des öffentlichen Rechts. Ein solches Verbot wäre offensichtlich verfassungswidrig – doch seine Ankündigung bringt politischen Profit.
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Bettina Rentsch
On 23 August 2023, the German government published a bill on Gender Self-Determination (hereinafter also referred to as SBGG-E). The bill is currently under debate before the German parliament (Bundestag) and is subject to heated socio-political debate. Its primary objective consists of deregulating the conditions for altering and deleting the gender entry provided by the German Civil Status Act. Aside from a strong commitment to deregulating legal gender (Section 1 SBGG-E), the bill sets boundaries and conditions for gender recognition. While some appear self-explanatory, others are infused by what I will hereinafter refer to as the ‘logic of social ascription’.
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Carolin Heinzel
Faktisch sind Frauen* stärker von den Auswirkungen durch die Überschreitungen der planetaren Grenzen, insbesondere des Klimawandels und der damit verbundenen Naturkatastrophen, betroffen. Obgleich nicht alle Frauen* und keineswegs nur Frauen* tangiert sind, ist eine sog. genderspezifische Vulnerabilität messbar, da sich Gender oft mit anderen Merkmalen wie einer schlechteren sozio-ökonomischen Stellung oder einem erschwerten Zugang zu Ressourcen z. B. Land und Finanzmitteln überschneidet. Frauen* sind aber nicht nur passive Betroffene, sondern übernehmen auch aktiv Führungsrollen zugunsten von Klimaschutz und Klimawandelanpassung, beispielsweise im lokalen Wassermanagement oder in der Rechtsdurchsetzung.
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Psymhe Wadud
Earlier in October, a video of a group of men attacking, stripping, and sexually assaulting a woman went viral in Bangladesh. Incidents of rape and sexual assaults like this are a window into understanding the state of sex-based inequality in a given society. The laws, however, must be taken into account as well, particularly if they reflect an essential male perspective and are written in gender-insensitive terms. I will explain below that in case of Bangladesh, sex-based inequality gets revealed when an illusory sex-equality clause of Bangladesh Constitution intersects with the country’s crippled commitment to the Women Convention, and sex-based inequality gets manifested through the retention of colonial-era substantive and procedural legal framework.
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Anna Katharina Mangold
Das Bundesjustizministerium hat einen Referentenentwurf zur „Fortentwicklung des Sanierungs- und Insolvenzrechts (SanInsFoG)“ im generischen Femininum formuliert. Das führt zu veritablem Zoff in der Koalition. Das Bundesinnenministerium hat den Entwurf offenbar sogleich gestoppt, „aus verfassungsrechtlichen Gründen“: Ein Gesetzentwurf "in ausschließlich weiblicher Begriffsform" gelte rechtlich gesehen möglicherweise nur für Frauen. Seufz. Wer sagt es ihnen?
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Micaela Alterio
I would like to participate in the debate on gender parity in Parliaments with the experience of Mexico. Mexico for the first time in its history has 48,2% of women in the Deputies Chamber and 49,2% in the Senate. The parity achieved in the Mexican Congress was the result of successive legislative and constitutional reforms which were supported by the Supreme Court of Justice.
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