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Party Bans and Populism in Europe
In the latest episode in a decades-long conversation about militant democracy, the growing electoral success and radicalization of Alternative for Germany have relaunched debates about the appropriateness of restricting the political rights of those who might use those rights to undermine the liberal democratic order. While it is typical for dictatorships to ban parties, democracies also do so, but for different reasons and with compunction. Party bans respond to varying rationales which have evolved over time. However, a ban on the right-wing populist Alternative for Germany would be out of step with more general patterns of opposition to such parties in Europe.
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Why Party Bans Often Don’t Work
In July 2008, in an intensely debated and enormously consequential case, Turkey’s Constitutional Court weighed whether to close the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) and ban its 71 leading members, including then-Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. Six of the eleven justices voted in favor – falling just one vote short of the super-majority required to dissolve the AKP and bar its leaders from politics for five years. More than 15 years after the AKP closure case, Turkey has experienced significant democratic backsliding, and Erdoğan has secured a third term as president, extending his tenure in office into 2028. Although the tools of “militant democracy” may be useful, the Turkish case suggests that targeted legal interventions, rather than sweeping party bans, may be more effective at safeguarding democracy.
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A Failed Attempt to Dissolve a Political Party in Slovakia
On 29 April 2019 the Supreme Court of the Slovak Republic (SCSR) refused to dissolve the political party Kotleba – Ľudová strana Naše Slovensko (People’s Party Our Slovakia). A five-judge administrative senate essentially found insufficient evidence to ban the party and in a press release pointed the finger at the plaintiff, the General Prosecutor’s office, for mishaps in how the case was argued.
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A Malfunctioning System
Party bans do not represent a serious threat to neo-fascist movements in Italy. Despite a constitutional provision and an ordinary law regulating the issue, their use has so far been limited to associations of minor size and relevance.
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Still Alive?
Party banning was developed in Spain in 2002, with the aim of combating the terrorism of ETA (1958-2018), an extreme left-wing and separatist Basque organisation that murdered more than 800 people. This instrument proved useful in defeating the terrorist group and its network of support organisations, including several parties. Today, there are strong separatist or pro-independence movements in Catalonia, the Basque Country and, to a lesser extent, Galicia, and other regions. Faced with this, there are parties that have proposed using the mechanism of banning parties. But is this viable, and would it be useful?
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In Favour of Civilian Constitutional Protection
Why civil society will continue to be critical even if the AfD party ban proceedings are successful.
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Strangers, Adversaries, Enemies
On party bans, on constitutional courts as tools and objects of political pressure, and on the various ways Muslim dress codes for girls and women further the evolution of constitutional law in Europe.
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Climate, Constitution and Party Politics
Recent developments in Scotland in relation to climate targets have presented interesting questions for both constitutional and climate law. After proudly announcing itself as a nation with world-leading targets for reducing greenhouse gas emissions and giving these legally binding status, now that it has been realised that the 2030 target will not be reached, that target has been abandoned. In turn, this has been the catalyst for the break-up of the two-party arrangement that supported the government and the resignation of the First Minister who faced losing a vote of confidence.
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How to Abolish Democracy: Electoral System, Party Regulation and Opposition Rights in Hungary and Poland
When it comes to Poland and Hungary, everyone is talking about the judiciary, about the independence of the courts, about the rule of law. But hardly anyone talks about parliaments. Yet they are at the heart of our democracies. And they are no less at risk. This became clear in the third panel of our workshop, which dealt with the electoral system, party regulation and opposition rights in Hungary and Poland. What may sound technical at first glance are surprisingly effective instruments in the hands of autocrats. It is precisely with these instruments that the governments of both countries have set the course for a “democracy” that primarily benefits the ruling parties and undermines political plurality.
Continue reading >>How to Kill an Idea: An American’s Observations on the NPD Party-Ban Proceedings
Next Tuesday, the German Federal Constitutional Court will announce its decision on the federal states’ application seeking to ban the National Democratic Party of Germany (NPD). In times of a far-right surge all over Europe, the procedure offers ample opportunity to reflect on a constitutional democracy's right to take repressive measures against odious ideas.
Continue reading >>A Standoff Between the Monarchy and the People
On 7 August 2024, Thailand’s Constitutional Court ordered the dissolution of the Move Forward Party (MFP), the country’s most popular political party. The dissolution follows a decision in January, when the Constitutional Court ruled that the MFP’s campaign to amend section 112 of the Penal Code (the lèse-majesté law) constituted an attempt to overthrow the democratic regime with the king as head of state (DRKH), which is considered a fundamental principle of the Thai state. The decision is another chapter in a long-standing conflict over the scope of the criminal offense of lèse-majesté, the extent of freedom of expression, and ultimately, the character of the Thai state.
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Greece’s Ambivalent Turn to Militant Democracy
On 2 May 2023, the Greek Court of Cassation (Areios Pagos) ruled on the certification of the candidate lists of the political parties that could lawfully participate in the Greek parliamentary elections of 21 May. It refused to certify the participation of the Hellenes National Party, the successor of the neo-Nazi Golden Dawn party. The refusal to certify the party breaks away from previous case law on political party certification and indicates a tentative, yet incomplete embrace of militant democracy by a jurisdiction that has traditionally been hostile towards its philosophy.
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Bans of Political Parties and the Case of Golden Dawn’s Right Wing Extremism in Greece
Prosecution is pending in Greece against the Right Wing extremist party “Golden Dawn”. The accusations concern the criminal activity of the organization which is also a political party represented in Greek Parliament by 18 members. The accusation of having committed criminal acts is enough from the point of view of political liberalism for the criminal process to begin against them. Criminal prosecution for the accusation of acts and not only ideological discourse is justified and imposed under political liberalism since such acts directly harm others.
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The Conservative Party
Liz, Boris, and a Tortoise named Archie
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The Tyranny of Values or the Tyranny of One-Party States?
In his contribution ‘Fundamentals on Defending European Values,’ Armin von Bogdandy counsels caution. His arguments are wise in normal times. But we no longer live in normal times. The current governments of at least two EU Member States, Hungary and Poland, are engaged in normative freelancing with the explicit aim of making future democratic rotation impossible. The rogue governments we see today are undermining the values of the European Union when the EU is more popular in these Member States than their own governments are.
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Italia Viva, Party System Reform Morta
Until a decade ago or even less, Italian politics appeared a matter of its own political idiosyncrasies and was dismissed as a peculiar case which is cause more for an amused smile but serious political analysis. This is not the case anymore. The sad truth is that parliamentary regimes based on a functioning majority in Parliament do not seem to be able to deliver sufficiently stable and effective governments these days.
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The Party of the Extreme Normal
On normalitarians in the Bundestag and a number of other more or less worrisome matters constitutional.
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Romanian Militant Democracy and the Time Machine
Romania was recently rocked by the annulment of presidential elections in December 2024, a crisis stifled by the March 2025 invalidation of Georgescu’s candidacy in do-over elections. Mr. Georgescu, an ultranationalist firebrand, presents himself in a MAGA-style as the tribune of “the People” and a warrior against a “Soros-driven” elite conspiracy. Europhile opponents present the invalidations as valiant examples of militant democracy and rule of law in action. I argue that the story is both simpler and more complex, partly a local variant of “authoritarian liberalism”, partly an example of idiosyncratic Eastern traditions of the RoL in Euro-friendly attire.
Continue reading >>“The Advisory Opinion Could Reshape Global Climate Governance.”
Five Questions to Tejas Rao, Marie-Claire Cordonier Segger and Markus Gehring
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The Challenges of Nuance
Five Questions to Sabine Leutheusser-Schnarrenberger
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“This was a completely normal election by Austrian standards”
Five Questions to Laurenz Ennser-Jedenastik.
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The Complex Conflict
A competition over resources, power, and influence.
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Hercules or Sisyphus? On the legacy of statutory lawlessness in post-autocratic Poland
A constitutional responsibility.
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Argentina’s Dangerous Experiment
Improvisation, Irrationality, and Provocative Cruelty.
Continue reading >>Between Legal Deficiencies and Political Restraint
Traditionally, it is Germany, not France, which is presented as the model example of militant democracy. Among the various provisions of the German Basic Law, Article 21 (2), setting out the procedure for banning political parties, is perhaps one of the clearest expressions of the basic constitutional decision in favour of a streitbare Demokratie. Nevertheless, setting concepts aside and examining empirical data, it is interesting to note that Germany has banned fewer political parties than France since the end of the Second World War.
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Trump’s Trials for Democracy
It is hard to imagine a stable democracy having to confront the legal challenges presented by Donald Trump’s bid for reelection. Courts have found him to be responsible for sexual assault, defamation and fraud, all in relatively quick succession. Taken together with repeated acts of demagogy and cruelty, the various legal proceedings reinforce the sense that Trump simply does not belong within the bounds of legitimate democratic contestation. But the charges against him thus far are civil claims that have no formal bearing on his bid for office. Nor do they seem to affect public opinion as the polarized electoral environment has little intermediate play that might be swayed by scandal, legal condemnation, or even the sense that enough is enough.
Continue reading >>Unveiling Democracy
On 11 January, Advocate General Richard de la Tour delivered his Opinions in two cases, against the Czech Republic and Poland, which cautiously uncover part of the core of the EU value of democracy. The Commission launched these infringement cases against the two Member States back in November 2012 and April 2013 respectively. Now that the rule of law is a well-established principle of EU law, these cases present themselves as a chance to focus on a less explored value enshrined in Article 2 TEU. They allow the Court to construct a foundation to address prospective questions regarding democratic principles.
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Our Dignity in Your Hands
Complacency now will endanger millions of people, not the Constitution.
Continue reading >>Opening the Discourse
The Pros and Cons of Pseudonymous Publishing for Science and the Public.
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Human Dignity
The guiding principle of our editorial decisions in dealing with the massacre by the Hamas and its aftermath
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The Dignity of the Outvoted
Why Viktor Orbán grins, and what about
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Justice-on-Demand at the Indonesian Constitutional Court?
Indonesia will have the world’s biggest one-day election in 2024. More than 200 million voters will go to the ballots to choose the next president and legislative members on 14 February, opening a fresh chapter for the nation’s leadership after a decade of President Joko Widodo’s rule. In recent weeks, the Constitutional Court has been flooded with back-to-back filings for judicial review of Indonesia’s General Election Law. Against the backdrop of Indonesia’s declining levels of trust in public institution, the Court’s rulings might not only change the rules of Indonesia’s electoral game but also threaten to further impair its own independence and integrity.
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No Longer Extreme
A distinction that distinguishes nothing much any more
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“Not What We Were Promised”
Review Essay
The four volumes subject to this review essay address the liberal-constitutional question of our times.They seek to play the long game, by addressing causes and phenomena. Together, they offer a balanced assortment of positions: two (Frankenberg and Holmes-Krastev) are primarily written as defences of the fraying liberal consensus against the recent populist onslaught, whereas the second group (Parau and Wilkinson) question what the authors believe to be liberal internationalism gone awry.
A Turkish Fairy Tale About a ‘New, Civilian Constitution’
President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan is once again calling for a 'new, civilian constitution', although the previous round of far-reaching constitutional amendments have only been in force for 2.5 years. Due to declining approval rates, the AKP is turning to well-proven populist strategies, initiating debates on the constitution while referring positively to the inclusive constitution of 1921. Despite this rhetoric, the ruling AKP is not interested in a new constitution at all, but rather in specific modifications that will secure their own power.
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Sue and Let Sue
On member states taking member states to court, and other topical rule of law affairs
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Fool me once
On last-minute delays for Poland, last-ditch attempts to fire Maaßen and other ways of overtaxing our constitutional patience.
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Democratic Decay Resource (DEM-DEC): First Monthly Bibliography Update-August 2018
The DEM-DEC Bibliography presents a global range of research on democratic decay. It has a strong focus on research by public lawyers – spanning constitutional, international and transnational law – but also includes key research from political science, as well as policy texts. First monthly update since DEM-DEC was launched. Updates to the Bibliography will be issued on the first Monday of each month.
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Destitution or Constitution
On Trump and the Courts, on the importance of constitutional review and on other constitutional issues arising on the way into or out of authoritarianism.
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Restoring Polish Judicial Independence
Restoring the Polish rule of law without doing more damage to it is a vexing challenge. Building Back Better becomes even more complex when the current president – part of the autocratic Law and Justice (PiS) party, which lost the previous elections – refuses to sign off on any law. Yet few would have expected the Venice Commission (VC), of all institutions, to make things even more complicated. This contribution first tracks the state of play in Poland following the VC Opinions of October 2024 and December 2024. Given the central role of the VC’s thinking in Polish efforts to find a way out, it then goes on to critique the Opinions on legal and strategic grounds before proposing an alternative route.
Continue reading >>Austria’s Populist Turn
With the elections in September 2024, the populist Freedom Party (FPÖ) became the strongest party in Austria for the first time. In January 2025, hopes of averting populism quickly faded when Austria’s Federal President Alexander van der Bellen was left with no choice other than giving the FPÖ a mandate to form a government. In this context, two aspects stand out: the role of constitutional conventions in recent months and the political change in the Bundesländer (states).
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Democracy and the Election Commission of India
As I write this review on the eve of 2025, much hasn’t changed when it comes to the status of democracy in India. If anything, there are increasing concerns that the gains of democratic consolidation since the inauguration of the Indian Constitution are withering away and giving ample space for the entrenchment of a majoritarian, anti-democratic political culture. The vile and morally corrupt politics of the Bharatiya Janata Party (“BJP”) have struck a chord with the voters, who continue to support its exclusionist vision of India.
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The 2024 Judicial Reform in Mexico
On September 11, 2024, the Senate of Mexico approved the controversial judicial reform. The ruling party, MORENA, achieved adopting the judicial reform thanks to a qualified majority in Congress and Senate. In this blogpost, we show that the way in which the judiciary reform was passed in the Senate cannot be considered as “expressing the will of the people”. We suggest that the very way in which the Senate vote came to pass is undermining one main justification of the judiciary reform, namely that it will lead to a judiciary “of the people”.
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The Patriots for Europe
Never in the history of the EU has a political party at Union level so ostentatiously misnamed itself as the Patriots for Europe. Their name suggests a passionate love for homeland Europe but their Manifesto reveals an unmistakable commitment to dismantle European democracy and to reduce the EU to an undemocratic organisation of illiberal states. Following the recent European Parliament elections, the Patriots for Europe has emerged as nothing less than the third largest political party. I explore the core elements of their illiberal political agenda as outlined in their Manifesto and discuss how their proposed sovereign policies, if implemented, could reverse the progressive trajectory of European (legal) integration.
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France’s Legislative Elections and the Uncertain Path to 2027
As most expected, Marine Le Pen’s Rassemblement National (RN) was the clear winner of the first round of the snap legislative elections in France, unexpectedly called by President Macron three weeks ago. Le Pen’s party, allied with a rump Les Républicains, led by Eric Ciotti, obtained 33.1% of the votes. A coalition including moderate and radical left parties, the Nouveau Front Populaire (NFP), came second with 28.1%, while the centrist parties supporting Gabriel Attal’s government received 21.3%. The mainstream right Républicains who refused to ally with the RN stopped at 6.6%. The RN confirmed its strong showing at last month’s European elections and more than doubled its votes in comparison to the last legislative elections of April 2022. Yet, an RN-led government is not a foregone conclusion.
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Without Fear or Favour
Germany, like any other State Party to the Rome Statute, would be obliged under international law, and would be capable under German law, to arrest any person against whom the ICC has issued an arrest warrant, be it President Putin or, in future, perhaps one of the Hamas leaders, Defence Minister Gallant or Prime Minister Netanyahu. The opposing view not only misrepresents the current state of international law, but it also contradicts the Nuremberg legacy, which must be upheld particularly by Germany.
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Consensus, at what Cost?
After four applications for provisional measures, three sets of formal orders and two rounds of oral hearings, on Friday night, the International Court of Justice in South Africa v. Israel delivered a long-awaited Order. It is, to be frank, most unsatisfactory. While the Court is known for its “Solomonic” decisions, which try to give each party a little of what they asked for at times to no one’s satisfaction, this is not a maritime boundary delimitation where equidistance can be imposed in pursuit of impartiality.
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