Jaap Hoeksma

European Democracy at Stake in Battle of the EP versus Orbán

Shortly after the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty in 2009, the European Parliament expressed its concern about the rule of law in Hungary. 14 years later, the EP still, and yet again, discusses PM Orbán’s lack of respect for the values of the Union. The forthcoming debate on 10 April will be the Parliament’s last chance to prevent the scheduled takeover of the Council-Presidency by Hungary. The EP and the European Council must prevent a self-proclaimed illiberal leader from assuming the Presidency of the Council and thus protect the democratic nature of the European Union. Continue reading >>

Jörn Griebel, Felix Bergold

Deutsche und europäische Lieferkettenregulierung und das GATT

Deutsche und europäische Ansätze für die Regulierung von Lieferketten sind (potenzielle) Handelsbeschränkungen im Sinne des Welthandelsrechts. Der Beitrag wirft die Frage auf, ob alle vorgesehenen und schon vorhandenen Maßnahmen in ihrer Breite und in Bezug auf alle Schutzgüter nach dem Welthandelsrecht rechtfertigungsfähig sind. Continue reading >>

Mark Eccleston-Turner

Access and Benefit-Sharing Isn’t Equity

It is unsurprising that equity has featured so prominently in the Pandemic Treaty negotiations – the Treaty is a direct response to the COVID-19 pandemic, which was characterised by gross inequality between high-income and LMICs. For all the talk at the start of the Treaty negotiation process of equity, of doing things differently in the future, it appears that very little will change. If it works, and there are very good reasons to believe that it will not work, it will at best make sure that a small proportion of vaccines end up where they need to be, and the rest will continue to go to the highest bidder, regardless of need, equity, or justice. Continue reading >>

Andrea Gatti

A Limping Militant Democracy

Images of hundreds of men gathering outside the former headquarters of the Italian post-fascist party (Movimento Sociale Italiano – MSI), giving the Roman salute in Acca Larentia (Roma) on the 8th of January 2024, have sparked numerous controversies in Italy. The Roman salute was paired with the Fascist ritual of the “roll call”, whereby a leader calls out the name of a fallen soldier and his comrades shout “presente!”. While one would expect the President of the Senate, facing an incident that stirred political controversy, to reason in more institutional terms rather than strictly legally, La Russa was partially correct in stating that the current Italian legal framework is (still) not sufficiently clear and coherent on the matter. Continue reading >>

Maria Skóra, York Albrecht

Strengthening the Resilience of the Rule of Law through Democracy

For almost a decade now, the European Union (EU) has been struggling with the erosion of the rule of law in some of its Member States. The IEP explored the various pillars of the rule of law resilience, culminating in the recent RESILIO report. Unsurprisingly, the independent judiciary and effective public administration prove to be key for the functioning of the rule of law. To remain resilient, the rule of law needs a solid democratic political culture anchored in a robust civil society, independent media, and a sound public debate. Henceforth, a long-term investment in democracy is the best way to strengthen the resilience of the rule of law. Continue reading >>

Luise Quaritsch

Die Sperrklausel ist keine Lösung

Es ist fraglich, ob es tatsächlich die Anzahl kleiner Parteien im Europaparlament ist, die dessen Handlungsfähigkeit gefährdet. Eher geht die Gefahr wohl von der zunehmenden Anzahl an rechtsextremen und antieuropäischen Abgeordneten aus, die es sich zum Wahlziel gemacht haben, eine Sperrminorität zu erreichen und damit das Europaparlament zu blockieren – und die nicht notwendigerweise aus kleinen Parteien stammen. Um die Handlungsfähigkeit des Parlaments zu sichern, sollten sich Politiker:innen darauf konzentrieren, Wählerstimmen für eine stabile pro-europäische Mehrheit zurückzugewinnen. Continue reading >>

Günter Frankenberg, Wilhelm Heitmeyer

Dilemma Demokratieschutz

Ein Dilemma zeichnet sich durch einen Entscheidungszwang zwischen mehreren Varianten aus, ohne dass es eine unzweifelhaft richtige Lösung gibt. In ein Dilemma scheint auch die Abwehr des „Autoritären Nationalradikalismus“ der AfD zu führen. Die AfD zu verbieten, um ihre auf Destabilisierung gesellschaftlicher und staatlicher Institutionen und „Systemwechsel“ angelegte Politik zu unterbinden, wäre ebenso misslich wie die Augen vor ihrer Gefährlichkeit, ihren Erfolgen und Wahlaussichten zu verschließen und allein auf die demokratische Resilienz der Bevölkerung zu vertrauen. Continue reading >>

Ylenia Maria Citino

The Spitzenkandidaten Practice in the Spotlight

Ten years have lapsed since the first successful attempt to launch the Spitzenkandidaten practice in 2014. With the European political parties midway through selecting their lead candidates once again, the upcoming European elections raise questions about the constitutional nature of this informal practice. The following comment aims to enquire what consequences, given the evolving dynamics of the practice, can be attached to a potential failure to designate a Spitzenkandidat. In particular, I argue that only if the SK process evolves into a constitutional customary rule, it is possible to conceive a duty upon the European Council to consider appointing the leading candidate from the party winning the elections of the European Parliament. Continue reading >>

Kai Ambos

Apartheid in the Occupied Palestinian Territory?

The apartheid claim made against Israel because of its policy in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT) – most recently in the ongoing advisory proceedings before the International Court of Justice (ICJ) – cannot be settled with the counter-claim of antisemitism, but calls for an objective, thorough and fact-based legal inquiry. Only such an approach with regard to this and other allegations against Israeli policy will strengthen Israel, understood as a liberal and democratic Rechtsstaat, which guarantees, in line with its 1948 Declaration of Independence, “complete equality” to “all its inhabitants”. Continue reading >>

Siegmar Lengauer

Sitzen ist keine Gewalt

Wer sich passiv verhält, übt keine Gewalt. In Österreich handelt es sich dabei um einen Leitsatz zur Nötigung, der sich in fast allen Kommentierungen und Lehrbüchern zu § 105 österreichisches Strafgesetzbuch (öStGB) findet. Der Autor wundert sich, dass deutsche Gerichte dies anders sehen und Aktivist*innen der Klimabewegung, die an Sitzblockaden teilnehmen, immer wieder wegen Nötigung bestrafen. Schon das allgemeine Sprachverständnis lege doch nahe: Wer bloß sitzt, der ist nicht gewaltätig. Continue reading >>

Stefano Zirulia

Refoulement As A Crime

Last month, the Italian Court of Cassation upheld the (suspended) sentence of one year’s imprisonment of the shipmaster of the Italian ship Asso28. He was convicted of two offences of abandonment for returning and handing around 100 migrants over to the personnel of a Libyan patrol boat, including some unaccompanied minors and pregnant women, whom he had previously rescued in international waters within the Libyan SAR zone. The case constitutes the first time an individual was held criminally responsible for failing to fulfil the duty of non-refoulement. Until recently, the refoulement duty has only served to exclude the liability of shipmasters who had complied with it whenever they were accused of facilitating irregular immigration. This case indicates the emergence of a new function of the principle, namely that of grounding the criminal liability of those who violate it. Continue reading >>

Lorenzo Gradoni, Pietro Ortolani

Moderation Made in Europe

The EU’s Digital Services Act (DSA) has been fully applicable for a little more than a month now. The conditions are thus in place for the emergence of the out-of-court dispute settlement (ODS) ecosystem envisaged in Article 21 DSA, arguably the DSA’s most original contribution to securing digital platform users’ rights. In this post, we try to envision the shape such an ecosystem might take over the next few years in the key area of social media content moderation (SMCM). We argue that the DSA may create an adjudication system dominated by a few ODS providers backed by public-private partnerships and ready to work in concert with the complaint-handling mechanisms set up by the platforms themselves. Continue reading >>

Augustin Berthout

Between Legal Deficiencies and Political Restraint

Traditionally, it is Germany, not France, which is presented as the model example of militant democracy. Among the various provisions of the German Basic Law, Article 21 (2), setting out the procedure for banning political parties, is perhaps one of the clearest expressions of the basic constitutional decision in favour of a streitbare Demokratie. Nevertheless, setting concepts aside and examining empirical data, it is interesting to note that Germany has banned fewer political parties than France since the end of the Second World War. Continue reading >>

Joseph Marko

The Kovačević Case Revisited

On 20 March 2023 the Council of the European Union gave Bosnia and Hercegovina green light to start accession negotiations. However, despite this political endorsement, BiH must fulfill the conditionality criteria, including a series of six judgments by the ECtHR relating to the predetermined ethnic keys. The last case, Kovačević v. BiH, was referred to the Grand Chamber in December 2023. If the Court follows its previous case law, this should force the mono-ethnic political parties and their leaders as well as the EU institutions to insist on de-blocking the constitutional impasse for any realistic steps towards European integration. Continue reading >>

Frank Decker

Keine Spielchen mehr mit den verdeckten Stimmzetteln

Viele der Maßnahmen, die jetzt erwogen werden, um sich gegen das Szenario einer schrittweisen Machtübernahme der rechtsextremen AfD zu wappnen, betreffen das Parlamentsrecht. So wichtig und richtig es ist, den automatischen Zugriff der AfD auf diese Ämter zu beschränken oder Blockademöglichkeiten zu minimieren, so merkwürdig bleibt, dass in der Debatte ein Aspekt regelmäßig ausgeklammert bleibt, der die Durchführung der Wahlen betrifft. Die geheime Wahl des Regierungschefs ist aus demokratischer Sicht nur schwer zu rechtfertigen. Continue reading >>

Tine Hanrieder, Julian Eckl

Closing the Accountability Gap

In their latest ‘WHO transformation’ (which began in 2017), the WHO hired at least six consulting firms, praised by the Director-General as the ‘best firms in the world’. Despite their prominent role in WHO processes and reform efforts, there is a clear accountability gap in their role at WHO. Consultant engagement contributes to a trend towards informal governance and public-private collusions in an organization that looks less and less like a public authority. Continue reading >>

Maebh Harding

Rejecting Lip Service or Validating 1930s Family Values?

On 8th March 2024, the Irish people rejected two separate constitutional referendums on family and care in an overwhelming no vote. These amendments aimed to update a conservative and gendered ideal of family found in Article 41. The family and care referendums involved more abstract statements of directive constitutional values. The result of the referendums is a win for voter confusion, anger towards the government and the NoNo campaign. It is also a loss for political constitutionalism. Continue reading >>

Angela Bourne

Party Bans and Populism in Europe

In the latest episode in a decades-long conversation about militant democracy, the growing electoral success and radicalization of Alternative for Germany have relaunched debates about the appropriateness of restricting the political rights of those who might use those rights to undermine the liberal democratic order. While it is typical for dictatorships to ban parties, democracies also do so, but for different reasons and with compunction. Party bans respond to varying rationales which have evolved over time. However, a ban on the right-wing populist Alternative for Germany would be out of step with more general patterns of opposition to such parties in Europe. Continue reading >>