A “Democratic Exception” to ICC Jurisdiction
On 21 November 2024, the International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants for the Israeli Prime Minister and the former Minister of Defence, for alleged crimes against humanity and war crimes in the ongoing Israel-Gaza War. Equally contentious was the response of leading Western states – including Germany and France – who have questioned or openly rejected treaty obligations to enforce the warrants. This is a conspicuously fraught position for countries who previously welcomed 2023 ICC arrest warrants for Russian President Vladimir Putin in legally identical circumstances.
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Protecting Victims Without Mass Surveillance
Mass data retention is on the rise. In the current heyday of security packages in Germany, we are now witnessing a “super grand coalition” in favor of mandatory IP address retention. Some are calling for greater protection for victims through data retention. Yet, what one often overlooks is the following: The investigative capacities of law enforcement authorities have never been better, and the digital data pools that can be analyzed have never been larger. Hence, victims must be protected without mass surveillance.
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Eyes Everywhere
Ten years after its groundbreaking judgment declaring the Data Retention Directive incompatible with the EU Charter, the Full Court significantly eased its previously strict requirements. On 30 April 2024, it issued La Quadrature Du Net II and, for the first time, declared the general and indiscriminate retention of IP addresses permissible for the purpose of fighting general crime. Given the CJEU’s fundamental change of heart, we have gathered a range of scholars to contextualize the judgment and situate it within the broader debate on mass data retention, online surveillance, and anonymity.
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Law and Governance Variations of Europe’s Geopolitical Awakening
The first contribution of the online symposium Europe’s geopolitical coming of age - adapting law and governance to harsh international realities explores the profound changes in European security and defence law following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. The new geopolitical realities of dealing with warfare in Europe set the scene for the symposium.
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Voting for the Government-in-Exile
So far, democracy in Belarus has struggled to establish itself within the country. After the protest movement in 2020, Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya went into exile where she and her supporters have been trying to penetrate the firm autocratic regime of Alexander Lukashenka. On June 8, the results of the elections for the Coordination Council – an exiled substitute assembly for the in situ Belarusian Parliament were announced. Less than 7,000 people participated in the vote. Despite the considerable efforts to mobilise the voters for the Coordination Council, the exiled opposition has failed to secure any meaningful turnout and thus its much-needed further democratic legitimacy.
Continue reading >>The Paris Effect
The judgment of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) in the case Verein KlimaSeniorinnen v. Switzerland is a striking example of the Paris effect: the influence of the non-binding collective goals of the Paris Agreement (PA) on the interpretation of domestic constitutional law or international human rights law in climate litigation. The Court’s decision proves to be an essential element in triggering the necessary democratic debates on which the PA relies “from the bottom up”. Reinforcing the procedural limb of Art. 8 ECHR will be an essential step towards further strengthening democratic decision-making in the societal transition to climate neutrality.
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The First Italian Climate Judgement and the Separation of Powers
On 26th February 2024, in its Giudizio Universale decision, the Tribunal of Rome penned the first Italian climate judgement. Shortly after, on 9 April 2024, the ECtHR handed down its seminal trio of KlimaSeniorinnen v. Switzerland, Duarte Agostinho v. Portugal and Others and Carême v. France. In this monumental string of cases, the ECtHR set the new standard for climate litigation in Europe, also regarding separation of powers. This invites a critical assessment of Giudizio Universale’s stance.
Continue reading >>One Health – One Welfare – One Rights
The projected WHO Pandemic Agreement, as currently under negotiation, will most likely contain a detailed prescription of a One Health approach (Art. 1(d) and Art. 5 of the INB negotiating text of 30 October 2023). This contribution examines the legal potential of a One Health approach for laws and policies towards animals raised, kept, and slaughtered for providing meat, milk, fur, and other body products for human consumption. My main argument will be that, taken seriously, the idea of One health defies a hierarchy between the health of humans, animals, and ecosystems. The inner logic of One Health is to exploit the positive feedback loops between safeguarding human, animal, and ecosystem health. This approach should modify the still prevailing unreflected and unchecked prioritisation of measures in favour of human health at the expense of and to the detriment of animal health and life. I will illustrate my claim with two policy examples.
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Conspicuously Absent
Nicaragua alleges that Germany violates the Genocide Convention and international humanitarian law by assisting Israel and also by failing to prevent violations of these bodies of law. It requests the International Court of Justice to indicate provisional measures, which would oblige Germany inter alia to stop assisting Israel. While the Court may be barred from exercising its jurisdiction over Nicaragua’s claims relating to the Genocide Convention it may be able to hear the claims regarding Germany’s duties under IHL.
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The Place of Numbers in Migration Debates
The governance of migration, in particular of asylum migration, is caught in the contrast between the political relevance of numbers, and the individuum-based structure of the law. For politics, it matters how many persons arrive, require shelter, enter procedures. For the legal assessment, however, numbers mostly do not matter: The right not to be rejected at the border, the right to access an asylum procedure and to shelter during that procedure are individual rights that are independent from the overall number of arrivals. This contrast is visible in periodical debates about a maximum number of asylum seekers per year, or proposals to abolish the individual right to protection altogether. Such proposals disregard that individual rights to protection are enshrined not just in constitutional law, but also in European and international law, and for good reason. However, it is worth taking the perspective of numbers seriously – while respecting the individual right to protection.
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European Nuclear Weapons
After Donald Trump’s announcement to withhold US military support in case of an attack on a NATO member by Russia under certain circumstances, a discussion has been sparked on whether Europe itself should have their own nuclear weapons for nuclear deterrence. However, given the progress in the legal framework of nuclear non-proliferation and nuclear disarmament, European nuclear weapons would violate international law.
Continue reading >>Katalysator der Polykrise
Am 15. November 2023 hat das Bundesverfassungsgericht (BVerfG) zum ersten Mal über die Vorschriften der Schuldenbremse im Grundgesetz entschieden. Das nun ergangene Urteil verdeutlicht erneut, dass die aktuelle Ausgestaltung des Staatsschuldenrechts in eine finanzrechtliche, vor allem aber finanzpolitische Sackgasse führt. So setzt sich im Urteil durch die restriktive Auslegung der Schuldenbremse die Entpolitisierung des parlamentarischen Haushalts- und Budgetrechts, die „Königsdisziplin des Parlaments“, fort. Daneben beschränkt das Urteil auf erhebliche Art und Weise die Handlungsfähigkeit des Staates und versetzt auch der Wehrhaftigkeit der Demokratie einen Dämpfer. Letztlich ist die Schuldenbremse, wie sie sich nun durch das Urteil darstellt, ein Todesstoß für politisches Denken in langfristigen Zusammenhängen – obgleich dieser Gedanke vom BVerfG erst vor zwei Jahren im sogenannten Klima-Beschluss prominent angebracht wurde.
Continue reading >>Restoring Poland’s Media Freedom
Over the last ten years, PiS has not only systematically dismantled Poland’s rule of law, but also strategically corroded the country’s media freedom. It has successfully politicized Poland’s media regulators, abused public service media for propaganda purposes, captured private media outlets and supported friendly private media, and created regulatory, legal and political obstacles for private media which criticized it. In this blogpost, I will detail three core steps that must be taken to restore media freedom in Poland in conformity with European standards. In particular, I argue for the restoration of the National Broadcasting Council (KRRiT), the constitutional media regulator, as an independent body; the dissolution of the „bonus” media regulator introduced by PiS, the National Media Council; and for reforming the status of Poland’s private media and the government’s approach to the media in general.
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Be Careful What You Wish For
The European Court of Human Rights has issued some troubling statements on how it imagines content moderation. In May, the Court stated in Sanchez that “there can be little doubt that a minimum degree of subsequent moderation or automatic filtering would be desirable in order to identify clearly unlawful comments as quickly as possible”. Recently, it reiterated this position. This shows not only a surprising lack of knowledge on the controversial discussions surrounding the use of filter systems (in fact, there’s quite a lot of doubt), but also an uncritical and alarming approach towards AI based decision-making in complex human issues.
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Strong on Hate Speech, Too Strict on Political Debate
Online hate speech is a topic that has gained importance in recent years. The Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) made an important ruling in this context on 15 May 2023 in Sanchez v. France. From a democratic theory and individual rights’ perspective, I would endorse the first decision because it tackles the so-called “silencing” and “desensitization effect” of hate speech. The second decision, however, runs the risk of adversely affecting free political debate, especially when individual politicians are called upon to delete comments by third parties.
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A New York Moment for the Oceans to join the Paris Moment for the Climate?
The recently concluded Agreement on the Conservation and Sustainable Use of Marine Biological Diversity of Areas Beyond National Jurisdiction has been described as the 'New York Moment' for the oceans, to join the 'Paris Moment' for the climate. The Paris Agreement was considered to be such a moment, in part, because it constituted a significant paradigm shift in international environmental law, institutionally as well as substantively. The current draft of the BBNJ arguably contains a paradigm shift of comparable significance for the law of the sea in at least three respects.
Continue reading >>A Chernobyl Case for our Times
On 10 October 2022, René Repasi, a member of the European Parliament, brought a case against the European Commission before the EU General Court. The key question of the case is procedural: Does an individual MEP have standing to claim before the Court that an EU act has been based on the wrong legal basis, if the choice of legal basis affects an MEP’s participatory rights. If Mr. Repasi succeeds, his case could significantly strengthen the Court’s role in protecting the rights of the minority in the European Parliament. It could introduce a new type of player to EU institutional legal battles – the MEP – and establish a sort of Organstreitverfahren for individual MEPs.
Continue reading >>Harder, Better, Faster, Stronger
Human rights courts can rarely avoid confrontation with backlashing states. This is particularly true for the two oldest and most prominent regional human rights courts, the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) and the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (IACtHR). Yet, by close observation, we can witness that for both courts, backlash has triggered important institutional developments which will guide the work of human rights bodies in an increasingly polarized 21st century.
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Atomausstieg? – nein danke!
Täglich wird das Schreckensszenario an die Wand gemalt: Deutschland friert im Winter aufgrund mangelnden Gases. Daher häufen sich in den letzten Wochen die Forderungen, die drei verbleibenden AKW nicht wie geplant mit Ablauf des Jahres abzuschalten und somit doch nicht den geplanten Ausstieg aus der Atomenergie zu vollziehen. Der aktuelle Atomausstieg ist ein komplexes Konstrukt der vergangenen zwei Jahrzehnte. Der Weg zu dem heutigen Kompromiss führte aufgrund der Verletzung rechtsstaatlicher Grundsätze und von Art. 14 GG zu mehreren Fingerzeigen aus Karlsruhe. Nun droht durch eine überhastete Änderung des Atomgesetzes dieses fein austarierte Verhältnis zwischen Energiesicherheit, Umsetzung des Willens der Bevölkerung sowie der Grundrechtspositionen der AKW Betreiberfirmen ins Wanken zu geraten.
Continue reading >>“Thank you very much, your mail is perfectly fine”
About two weeks ago, the Commission presented its draft for a "Regulation laying down rules to prevent and combat child sexual abuse". The planned introduction of the inspection of all digitally sent messages is likely to be the largest state surveillance project in Europe since the end of the Cold War and blatantly violates the Charter of Fundamental Rights.
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Das Bundesverfassungsgericht, die Bundesregierung und der Interorganrespekt
Das Verwaltungsgericht Karlsruhe beschied dem BVerfG mit Beschluss vom 14. Juni 2022, dass seine Pressestelle Fragen einer Bild-Journalistin zu einem gemeinsamen Abendessen von Verfassungsrichterinnen und -richtern und Mitgliedern der Bundesregierung hätte beantworten müssen. Auch in der öffentlichen Diskussion ist der undurchsichtige Umgang mit den journalistischen Nachfragen auf Kritik gestoßen, gerät er doch mit dem eigenen Anspruch des Gerichts auf Transparenz in Konflikt. Der informelle Charakter des Abendessens provoziert indes eine gewisse Öffentlichkeitsdistanz. Grund genug, um diese Praxis zu hinterfragen.
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„Vielen Dank, Ihre Post ist unbedenklich“
Vor rund zwei Wochen hat die Kommission ihren Entwurf für eine Verordnung zur Bekämpfung des sexuellen Missbrauchs von Kindern vorgestellt. Die damit verbundene Einführung der Überprüfung sämtlicher digital verschickter Inhalte dürfte das größte staatliche Überwachungsvorhaben in Europa seit dem Ende des Kalten Krieges sein und verstößt offenkundig gegen die Grundrechte-Charta.
Continue reading >>Drifting Case-law on Judicial Independence
In a preliminary ruling of 29 March 2022, in case C-132/20 Getin Noble Bank, the CJEU answered questions on judicial independence of judges appointed under an undemocratic regime and of judges appointed before 2018 in an allegedly flawed process. Taking a highly formalistic approach, the Court seeks to preserve judicial dialogue between itself and the national judges – at the expense of the rule of law and judicial independence.
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Nicaragua’s OAS Raid and the Inter-American System
On 24 April 2022, Nicaraguan National Police officers raided the premises of the Organization of American States (OAS) in Managua. After confiscating all documents at the premises, Nicaragua’s foreign secretary called the OAS a “diabolic instrument” on live TV and announced Nicaragua’s immediate and definitive withdrawal from all OAS organs. The raid was a blatant violation of international law.
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Germany, Russia and the “In Between”
A new national security strategy, as proposed by Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock and as is the focus of this symposium, must also upend the basic features of Germany’s Ostpolitik. A Bucha Genuflection is not enough to achieve this – but it could be a good place to start. This blog post outlines the possible benchmarks, challenges, and potentials of a regional perspective in the context of the Ukraine crisis. For German foreign policy, this specifically means a change of perspective: Ostpolitik has to be more than just a policy concerning Russia.
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Deutschland, Russland und „Dazwischen“
Eine neue nationale Sicherheitsstrategie, wie sie Außenministerin Annalena Baerbock fordert und wie sie im Zentrum dieses Symposiums steht, muss auch die Grundzüge der deutschen Ostpolitik auf den Kopf stellen. Ein Kniefall in Butscha reicht dafür nicht aus – wäre aber ein Anfang. Dieser Beitrag skizziert die möglichen Fixpunkte, Baustellen und Potentiale einer regionalen Perspektive im Kontext der Ukrainekrise. Für die deutsche Außenpolitik bedeutet diese insbesondere einen Perspektivwechsel: Ostpolitik ist mehr als Russland-Politik.
Continue reading >>Internationale Rechtsordnung als nationales Sicherheitsinteresse
Die Zeitenwende vom 27. Februar 2022 ist faktisch das Eingeständnis einer Kluft zwischen den lang anerkannten Interessen an Multilateralismus und Völkerrecht einerseits und den außen- und verteidigungspolitischen Strategien zu deren Durchsetzung andererseits. Ein Bekenntnis zum Multilateralismus und den zugrunde liegenden rechtlichen Verpflichtungen reicht nicht mehr aus — wenn das überhaupt jemals der Fall war. Deutschlands künftige Nationale Sicherheitsstrategie muss sich mit den beschwerlicheren politischen und militärischen Verpflichtungen befassen, die notwendig sind, um ein solches System zu ermöglichen.
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International Legal Order as a National Security Interest
The "Zeitenwende" of 27 February 2022 is, in effect, an admission of a gap between long-recognised interests in multilateralism and international law, on the one hand, and the sufficiency of foreign and defence policy strategies for upholding them on the other. A primary commitment to the modes of multilateralism and underlying legal obligations is no longer sufficient—if indeed it ever was—and Germany’s forthcoming National Security Strategy must address the more arduous political and military obligations necessary to make such a system possible. The turning point is, in short, the realisation of commitments deeply embedded in national foreign policy identity, which emerges as the foundation for broad legitimacy in the policy revolution.
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Russia’s Eurasian Großraum and its Consequences
The available options for the German and Western policy towards Russia have to be based on the correct diagnosis of the causes of the conflict. The purpose of this analysis is to shed some light on the structural reasons for the Russian expansionism and make some projections on the possible long-tern consequences. The rivalry between the Russian-dominated space (Großraum – greater space) and the EU/NATO systems fuels an intense geopolitical antagonism in Europe, which can be transformed into actual conflict. I understand the Großraum in the sense of Carl Schmitt as a tightly managed sphere of interests, under the direct or indirect control of an authoritarian Great Power (infra II).
Continue reading >>Is Berlin’s Overdue Defence Policy Adjustment Also a “Game Changer” for Franco-German Relations?
What does the “paradigm shift” (Zeitenwende) – as Chancellor Olaf Scholz called the readjustment of German security and defence policy – mean for the Franco-German couple? Relations between Paris and Berlin had cooled down in recent years, particularly in relation to security and defence dossiers. Can we now expect that the ice between the two countries will melt? By no means. Even though Germany has sent a first signal that it no longer wants to close its eyes to the geopolitical realities of the 21st century, a number of touchy security and defence issues remain on the table.
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Ist Berlins verteidigungspolitische Kurskorrektur auch eine „Zeitenwende“ für die deutsch-französischen Beziehungen?
Was bedeutet die „Zeitenwende“ – wie Bundeskanzler Olaf Scholz sie nennt – für die deutsch-französischen Beziehungen? Insbesondere im Bereich Sicherheit und Verteidigung war es zwischen Paris und Berlin in den vergangenen Jahren frostig geworden. Ist nun Tauwetter angesagt? Mitnichten. Auch wenn Deutschland ein erstes Signal gesendet hat, dass man die Augen nicht länger vor den geopolitischen Realitäten des 21. Jahrhunderts verschließen möchte, bestehen einige sicherheits- und verteidigungspolitische Themen mit Sprengkraft fort. Drei davon werden im Folgenden näher unter die Lupe genommen.
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“Juridified” Control
I argue that there should be a greater separation of powers with regard to foreign deployments than has been the case to date. In addition to the actors who have so far been primarily involved in decisions on foreign deployments – the German Federal Government and Bundestag – the German Federal Constitutional Court should also be given a clearer basis of responsibility for clarifying constitutional issues that have arisen. In this way, the constitutional framework can be made more concrete and strengthened in the long term.
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Verrechtlichte Kontrolle
Ich plädiere dafür, dass im stärkeren Maße als bisher auch im Hinblick auf Auslandseinsätze eine Gewaltenteilung erfolgen sollte. Zu den bisher in die Entscheidung über Auslandseinsätze primär eingebundenen Akteuren – Bundesregierung und Bundestag – sollte zur Klärung aufgeworfener verfassungsrechtlicher Fragen auch das Bundesverfassungsgericht eine klarere Zuständigkeitsgrundlage erhalten. Hierdurch kann der verfassungsrechtliche Rahmen konkretisiert und langfristig gestärkt werden.
Continue reading >>The End of Germany’s Strategic Restraint
In a special session of the German Bundestag on February 27, 2022, on the occasion of the Russian invasion of Ukraine, the federal government announced nothing less than a realignment of the Federal Republic of Germany's long-standing security and defense policy principles. The decisions taken by the Government replaced the "culture of strategic restraint" that had for decades characterized German decision-making in foreign, security and defense policy with a more active, independent and robust foreign policy role.
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Das Ende der Zurückhaltung
In der Sondersitzung des Deutschen Bundestags am 27. Februar 2022 anlässlich des russischen Überfalls auf die Ukraine hat die Bundesregierung nichts weniger als eine Neuausrichtung der überparteilich konsentierten, langjährigen sicherheits- und verteidigungspolitischen Grundsätze der Bundesrepublik Deutschland verkündet. Damit wurde ein deutliches Signal gesetzt, die „Kultur strategischer Zurückhaltung“, die jahrzehntelang deutsche Entscheidungen in der Außen-, Sicherheits- und Verteidigungspolitik prägte, durch eine aktivere, eigenständigere und robustere Rolle zu ersetzen.
Continue reading >>Security Strategy after the Zeitenwende: Institutions, Law, Politics
Under the shock of the Russian invasion, what the security community has long been calling for in vain is now taking shape: a security strategy through which Germany takes on more responsibility in the field of security and defense policy. The decisions taken by the German government on 27 February 2022, which are widely regarded as a Zeitenwende or „turning point“ in security policy, marked a first step.
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Sicherheitsstrategie nach der Zeitenwende: Institutionen, Recht, Politik
Unter dem Schock der russischen Invasion gewinnt Kontur, was von der sicherheitspolitischen Community seit langem vergeblich gefordert wurde: eine Sicherheitsstrategie, mit der Deutschland verteidigungspolitisch mehr Verantwortung übernimmt. Die Beschlüsse der Bundesregierung vom 27. Februar 2022, allseits als sicherheitspolitische "Zeitenwende" eingeordnet, markierten einen ersten Schritt. Jetzt ist zu fragen, was diese Beschlüsse für die zukünftige sicherheits- und verteidigungspolitische Positionierung Deutschlands, für Bündnisse, Auslandseinsätze, Rüstungsexportpolitik und vieles mehr bedeuten.
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How to Set Aside Hungarian Cardinal Laws
The anti-Fidesz coalition could win the next Hungarian elections. That, however, is only one step on a long path back to a full democracy. Fidesz has skilfully entrenched its power, personnel, and policies. How could a new majority overcome this, align the Hungarian legal order with European standards, and allow for democratic governability?
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Threats to Academic Freedom under the Guise of Open Access
The Budapest Open Access Initiative is celebrating its 20th anniversary and today it seems that we are closer than ever to finally concluding the “access revolution” predicted by many since the arrival of the internet. Yet, developments in the publishing system increasingly suggest that the access revolution is much less revolutionary than expected. Reports gradually bring to light the extent to which publishers started to use the data tracking tools developed by “pioneers” such as Google and Facebook. This development could not only be the final blow for the Open Access movement’s potential to more radically and structurally change the way knowledge is being disseminated in the digital age but pose a systematic threat to the autonomy of the science system and academic freedom in the digital age.
Continue reading >>Erklärung zum russischen Angriff auf die Ukraine / Statement on the Russian attack on Ukraine
Vorstand und Rat der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Internationales Recht erklären: […]
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Open Access … And Then?
In 2021, the Zeitschrift für ausländisches öffentliches Recht und Völkerrecht (also known as the Heidelberg Journal of International Law) was reborn. Though one of the oldest public and international law journals, its editors have taken the decision to embrace a new era and mode of publishing. The ZaöRV is now a Platinum Open-Access journal.
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