Ali Yildiz

Strasburg Weighs In On Political Persecution In Turkey

In a pivotal judgment delivered by the Grand Chamber, the European Court of Human Rights held that the conviction of a former teacher Yüksel Yalcinkaya violated Articles 6,7 and 11 of the Convention. The applicant Yalcinkaya was a teacher who was dismissed with an emergency decree enacted during the state of emergency rule between 2016 and 2018 and was subsequently prosecuted and convicted for his use of the ByLock app and for his membership in a teachers’ union and an association which were also closed down with an emergency decree. In Erdogan’s ever more repressive Turkey, usage of said app or membership in organizations and unions may lead to arrest. Especially anything that appears remotely related to the oppositional Gulen movement carries the risk of persecution. Continue reading >>

Mohammad Ibrahim

Justifying a Political Dynasty

The Indonesian Constitutional Court has handed down a highly controversial decision lowering the minimum age requirement for presidential candidacy. It raises further alarms about the Court's independence, as the petitioner sought to allow President Jokowi's son, Gibran Rakabuming Raka, to run in the 2024 presidential elections. Worse, the current Chief Justice is married to the President's younger sister, and the Court's legal reasoning it not sound. Continue reading >>

Kira Koethke

Forschungsfreiheit im Strafprozess

2020 lehnte erstmals ein Gericht ein Zeugnisverweigerungsrecht für Forschende ausdrücklich ab. Dass Forschende ihren Proband*innen so keine Vertraulichkeit zusichern können, macht ihre Forschung schwer bis unmöglich. Nun hat sich das Bundesverfassungsgericht in der Sache geäußert - obwohl die zugrundeliegende Verfassungsbeschwerde verfristet einging. Im Kern stärkt das Bundesverfassungsgericht die Vertraulichkeit empirischer Kriminalitätsforschung. So müsse eine umfangreiche Verhältnismäßigkeitsprüfung vorgenommen werden, im Zuge derer auch die gesamtgesellschaftliche Bedeutung empirischer Kriminalitätsforschung zu berücksichtigen sei. Strafverfolgungsbehörden dürfen Forschung nicht durch die Beschlagnahme ansonsten vertraulicher Forschungsdaten verunmöglichen. Gleichwohl bleiben wichtige Folgefragen offen. Continue reading >>

Jannik Klein

Das Ende der Linksfraktion, nur wann?

Sahra Wagenknecht und weitere neun Abgeordnete der Fraktion „Die Linke im Bundestag“ sind am Montag aus der Partei „Die Linke“ ausgetreten. Dennoch möchten sie vorerst Mitglied ihrer Bundestagsfraktion bleiben. Auf den ersten Blick scheint das Fraktionsende bis auf Weiteres aufgeschoben, weil die nun ausgetretenen Parteilosen noch keiner konkurrierenden Partei angehören. Doch auf den zweiten Blick könnte das Gebot der politischen Homogenität einer Fraktion das Ende der Linksfraktion schon jetzt besiegeln: Dürfte der Bundestag der Linksfraktion den Fraktionsstatus aberkennen? Oder hat die Fraktion ihren Rechtsstatus bereits am Montag automatisch verloren? Continue reading >>

Eleonora Celoria, Virginia Passalacqua

Turning the Exception into the Rule

In January 2023, Italy’s new government adopted a reform that heavily curtailed immigrant rights to speed up return procedures. Between September and October, several judgments issued by the Catania Tribunal declared the reform in violation of EU law. The judgments led to backlash, with PM Meloni and other members of the government accusing them of being politically motivated. While such political attacks on judges must always be condemned, they are particularly unwarranted given that the Catania Tribunal’s judges were correct in finding the new Italian border procedures incompatible with EU law. Continue reading >>

Max Steuer, Darina Malová

To Hell, on a White Horse

Slovakia voted on the final day of September 2023. The electoral rhetoric, results and subsequent coalition-building give grounds to expect illiberal constitutional changes. More attention is needed towards the Constitutional Court’s capacity to resist such illiberalization, as Slovakia may join Hungary in a revamped illiberal Visegrad alliance. Continue reading >>

Lennart Lagmöller

Ein Mensch, zwei Jobs, viele Fragen

In Deutschland gibt es eine verfassungsrechtliche Besonderheit: Regierungsmitglieder können gleichzeitig Abgeordnete bleiben, obwohl diese Funktionen mit unterschiedlichen Rechten und Pflichten einhergehen. Insbesondere für die Informationsfreiheit hat sich dadurch eine rechtliche Grauzone entwickelt. Continue reading >>

Demet Demir

Zwischen Schutz, Stigma und Stereotyp

Mit der Einführung des ProstSchG im Jahr 2017 hat der Gesetzgeber in Deutschland neue gesetzliche Verpflichtungen verabschiedet, die die Situation der Prostituierten verbessern und sie vor Ausbeutung und Gewalt schützen sollen. Eine zentrale Bestimmung zur Umsetzung des intendierten Schutzes ist die Anmeldepflicht nach § 3 Abs. 1 ProstSchG, die in mehrfacher Hinsicht eine Belastung für die Anmeldepflichtigen bedeuten kann. Aus einer intersektionalen Perspektive zeigt sich, dass dieser Verpflichtung das im Diskurs verankerte klassistische und rassistische Narrativ der nicht selbstbestimmten migrantischen Sexarbeiterin nicht nur vorausgeht, sondern zugrunde liegt. Continue reading >>

Daniel Bertram, Laura Higuera Sánchez

The Mexican Standoff

In a historical march, tens of thousands of judicial staff, lawyers, and judges – including at least one justice of the Supreme Court – took to the streets of Mexico City on 22 October 2023. Chanting slogans such as ‘¡El Poder Judicial de la Federación no se toca!’ and ‘¡Somos los garantes de la Constitución!’ protesters rallied against the Mexican government’s plans to slash the federal judiciary’s (Poder Judicial de la Federación, PJF) funding. In this contribution, we analyse what this dispute is all about and explain why the government’s plans jeopardise the independence of the Mexican judiciary. In particular, we argue that the recent, seemingly innocent financial measures come at the cusp of an alarming authoritarian turn. Finally, we offer some tentative thoughts on what the endgame in this quickly escalating dispute might look like. Continue reading >>

Stephan Rixen

Sexarbeit und Gewerberecht

Ein Jahr nach Inkrafttreten des Prostituiertenschutzgesetzes (ProstSchG) bot sich mir die Gelegenheit, einen längeren Überblicksbeitrag zum seinerzeit noch recht neuen Gesetz zu verfassen. Ich wählte für den Aufsatz eine Überschrift, mit der ich heute etwas hadere: „Gewerberecht der Sexualität: Das Prostituiertenschutzgesetz“. Auf der Suche nach einer (scheinbar) griffigen Überschrift habe ich die Ambivalenz dieser Überschrift nicht verkannt, sondern gesucht. Die irritierenden Assoziationen, die sich ergeben, wenn die Kommerzialisierung („Gewerbe“) von Sexualität zum Thema rechtlicher Regulierung wird, habe ich eher als rhetorische Herausforderung begriffen, ohne die brutalen Schattenseiten der Sexarbeit hinreichend zum Problem zu machen. Continue reading >>

Timo Hammelsbeck

Politisches Microtargeting vs. Rechtsaufsicht

In der letzten Woche ist bekannt geworden, dass die EU-Kommission, konkret der amtliche Account der Kommissarin für Inneres, Microtargeting auf X (vormals Twitter) nutzte, um Schwung in ein festgefahrenes Gesetzgebungsvorhaben zu bringen. Es handelt sich um eine gezielte Beeinflussung der gesellschaftlichen Debatte rund um die sogenannte „Kinderschutzverordnung“, auch bekannt als „Chatkontrolle“ durch datenbasierte Zielgruppenansprache (zur Berichterstattung und Analyse). Diese Posts sollten Druck auf mitgliedsstaatliche Regierungen ausüben, um doch noch eine Mehrheit für das Vorhaben zu beschaffen. Dieser Vorgang ist auch abseits der inhaltlichen Debatte um die „Chatkontrolle“ bemerkenswert, schließlich zeigt er neben den systemischen Risiken von Plattformen und dem Bedürfnis nach effektiver Durchsetzung von Plattformregulierung auf, dass die Kommission sich in einem Spannungsverhältnis der Funktionen als Aufsichtsbehörde und als politische Akteurin befindet und somit das systeminhärente Risiko besteht, dass sie ihre Funktion als Aufsichtsbehörde zugunsten politischer Ziele vernachlässigt. Continue reading >>

Andrea Kießling

Migrationsrecht und Antisemitismus

Nach dem brutalen Angriff der Hamas auf die israelische Zivilbevölkerung am 7. Oktober kam es in mehreren deutschen Städten zu öffentlichen Reaktionen, bei denen der Terror der Hamas relativiert oder gebilligt wurde. Daraufhin forderten die deutsche Innenministerin Faeser und SPD-Chef Klingbeil die „Ausweisung von Hamas-Unterstützern“. Ähnliches war auch aus der CDU zu hören, deren Generalsekretär außerdem den „Entzug“ der deutschen Staatsangehörigkeit forderte. Der Beitrag zeigt auf, was nach dem Migrationsrecht möglich wäre: Während in Einzelfällen wohl tatsächlich Ausweisungen verfügt werden könnten, droht am ehesten der Ausschluss von Aufenthaltsverfestigung und Einbürgerung. Darüber hinaus verstellen schnelle Rufe nach Ausweisungen den Blick dafür, dass es sich bei Antisemitismus um ein gesamtgesellschaftliches Problem handelt, dessen man sich nicht einfach durch Aufenthaltsbeendigungen entledigen kann. Continue reading >>

Stefanie Killinger

Das Prostituiertenschutzgesetz und sein Vollzug

Die Debatte über die Regulierung von Prostitution wogt zwischen zwei feministischen Positionen zu Prostitution selbst hin und her, die miteinander unvereinbar sind. Diese Positionen markieren die äußeren Punkte auf einer Skala, die von Verbot bis Liberalisierung reicht. Auf dieser Skala lassen sich geltendes Recht wie Reformvorschläge verorten. Das geltende Prostituiertenschutzgesetz liegt zwischen den Punkten und unternimmt den Versuch der Vermittlung. Trotz seiner Vollzugsdefizite ist es die bessere Alternative, wenn es wirklich um den Schutz von Prostituierten gehen soll. Continue reading >>

Alexander Peukert

Who Decides What Counts as Disinformation in the EU?

Who decides what counts as “disinformation” in the EU? Not public authorities, because disinformation is not directly sanctioned in the Digital Service Act (DSA) or other secondary legislation. Nor Very Large Online Platforms (VLOPs) and Very Large Online Search Engines (VLOSes), which avoid editorial decisions to maintain their legal status as intermediaries with limited liability. Instead, the delicate task of identifying disinformation is being undertaken by other private organisations whose place of administration and activity, purpose, funding and organizational structure appear problematic in terms of the legitimacy and even legality of the fight against disinformation. This blog post maps out the relevant (private) actors, namely the ad industry, fact checking organizations and so-called source-raters. Continue reading >>

Peter van Elsuwege

Who Speaks on Behalf of the European Union?

“It’s a cacophony. It’s ridiculous”. This is how an EU diplomat described the flow of EU statements following the outbreak of the war between Israel and Hamas. The divergent reactions reveal the existence of institutional tensions about the Union’s external representation, which undermine the coherence and credibility of the EU’s external action. The war between Israel and Hamas concerns issues of foreign and security policy. Whether one likes it or not, this is an area where the Commission has a more limited role – also with respect to external representation. A certain restraint or, at the very least, closer coordination with the Member States and the European External Action Service could have been expected. Continue reading >>

Vicente Medina

Moral Absolutism in the Wake of Terrorism

In the light of the terrorist attack perpetrated by Hamas against innocent civilians in Israel on October 7th, some contend that “The imperative to protect human dignity only applies absolutely if it applies universally, and it only applies universally if it applies absolutely.” In the face of evil, there is no room for relativism. Hamas’s deliberate attack against innocent civilians is absolutely wrong. Therefore, it should be universally condemned. I agree with the above conclusion. However, I wonder how a universal recognition of an absolute duty of respect for human dignity can help solving the existential conflict confronting Israelis and Palestinians. Ideally, a two-state solution proposed by the international community can be seen as a reasonable and fair compromise. Nevertheless, the reality on the ground is different. This blog post explores the downstream consequences - and hurdles - of moral absolutism in times of war, terror, and existential crisis. Continue reading >>

Anna Wójcik

Restoring Poland’s Media Freedom

Over the last ten years, PiS has not only systematically dismantled Poland’s rule of law, but also strategically corroded the country’s media freedom. It has successfully politicized Poland’s media regulators, abused public service media for propaganda purposes, captured private media outlets and supported friendly private media, and created regulatory, legal and political obstacles for private media which criticized it. In this blogpost, I will detail three core steps that must be taken to restore media freedom in Poland in conformity with European standards. In particular, I argue for the restoration of the National Broadcasting Council (KRRiT), the constitutional media regulator, as an independent body; the dissolution of the „bonus” media regulator introduced by PiS, the National Media Council; and for reforming the status of Poland’s private media and the government’s approach to the media in general. Continue reading >>

Yaniv Roznai, Amichai Cohen

Post-populist Populism

Good news for democracy from Poland? It appears that in the recent general elections, the right-wing populist Law and Justice party (PiS), won most seats but not enough to allow it to form a coalition. Donald Tusk's Civic Coalition has a better chance of forming a coalition, which might put an end to PiS' eight years of rule. This, prima facie, seems like a victory of democracy over populism. While this is certainly true, in this post we wish to flag certain warning signs that this possible democratic rotation is not the end of the struggle for democracy but merely the beginning of this process. This is because even when populists are voted out of office, their legacy - at least partially - persists. Continue reading >>

Radosveta Vassileva

At a Snail’s Pace

By 1 April 2018, member states had to transpose an EU Directive on ‘the strengthening of certain aspects of the presumption of innocence and of the right to be present at the trial in criminal proceedings’. Bulgaria has not fully transposed it to this day, and consistently undermines it. Now, finally, the Commission has launched infringement proceecings. Preceding the announcement, the Commission rejected Rasosveta Vassileva's reasoned complaints on the same issue, as late as 2022. Her odyssey is a concerning tale on how EU institutions handle citizen alerts. Continue reading >>

Werner Schroeder, Leonard Reider

A Step Forward in Fighting Online Antisemitism

Online antisemitism is on the rise. Especially since the recent terror attack by Hamas in Southern Israel, platforms like X are (mis)used to propel antisemitism. Against this backdrop, this blog post analyses the legal framework for combatting online antisemitism in the EU and the regulatory approaches taken so far. It addresses the new Digital Services Act (DSA), highlighting some of the provisions that might become particularly important in the fight against antisemitism. The DSA improves protection against online hate speech in general and antisemitism in particular by introducing procedural and transparency obligations. However, it does not provide any substantive standards against which the illegality of such manifestations can be assessed. In order to effectively reduce online antisemitism in Europe, we need to think further, as outlined in the following blog post. Continue reading >>

Kai Ambos

Solidarity with Israel, but no Blank Check

The actions of Hamas have been called in a detailed declaration drafted by Israeli international lawyers, also signed by this author, for what they are: core crimes under international law, possibly even amounting to genocide directed against the Jewish population of Israel. This should be beyond dispute among international (criminal) lawyers. Nonetheless, especially in Germany we have to critically ask ourselves the follow-up question of how far our support for Israel’s military counterattack can go. Continue reading >>

Isabel Kienzle, Anuscheh Farahat

Zwischen Symbolpolitik und Verschärfung

Vergangene Woche verständigte sich die Regierungskoalition auf ein Maßnahmenpaket zur Reform des Asylrechts, das medial vielfach unter dem Topos „schnellere Abschiebungen“ diskutiert wurde (siehe hier und hier). Die Änderungsvorschläge zeigen im Detail jedoch in sehr verschiedene Richtungen und enthalten sowohl Verschärfungen als auch punktuelle Erleichterungen. In Teilen sind sie rein symbolpolitischer Natur, enthalten aber auch spürbare Verschärfungen gegenüber Schutzsuchenden. Dabei simulieren die Vorschläge allerdings nur politische Handlungsfähigkeit und drohen gerade dadurch die Wahrnehmung politischer Lähmung zu verstärken. Continue reading >>

Barak Medina, David Enoch

What is Permissible in the War against Hamas?

What is permissible for the Israeli government to do in response to the murderous attack by Hamas? The answer to this is difficult, not only because blood is boiling and hearts are broken, but also because there is a complex moral dilemma here. In this blog, we hope to offer some guidelines to clarify the issue. We do not claim to provide definitive answers. The required analysis is complex, and it is incumbent upon the Israeli government and the IDF to ensure that the various steps taken are morally justified. Continue reading >>

Winfried Kluth

Asylrechtliche Einzelfallgerechtigkeit und Demokratieprinzip

Zum zweiten Mal innerhalb kurzer Zeit wurde eine Entscheidung des Thüringer Verfassungsgerichtshofs durch das Bundesverfassungsgericht auf ihre Vereinbarkeit mit dem Grundgesetz überprüft. Nachdem die gegen die Verwerfung des Parité-Wahlrechts durch den Verfassungsgerichtshof eingelegte Verfassungsbeschwerde als unzulässig zurückgewiesen wurde, wählte die 3. Kammer des Zweiten Senats nun die verfahrensrechtliche Alternative der Nichtannahme zur Entscheidung wegen Unbegründetheit. Das eröffnet die Möglichkeit, zu den wesentlichen Streitfragen auch inhaltlich Stellung zu nehmen. Continue reading >>

Maciej Bernatt

Market Power, Democracy and (Un)Fair Elections

In the last eight years Poland experienced an illiberal shift. Key elements of constitutional democracy were undermined. The story is well-known to public law scholars, particularly with respect to judicial reforms. However, off most people’s radar have been the changes which increased the role of state-controlled and state-owned firms (SOEs) in the Polish economy which have supported Poland’s illiberal tendencies. Pre-election period is illustrative in this respect, with the ruling majority benefitting from various kinds of support from SOEs which undermined a level playing field. The Polish experience arguably sheds light on constitutional democracies’ weaknesses in effectively addressing the links between political and market power which can further democratic backsliding. In this blogpost, I will highlight why the existing legal framework, in particular remedies available in law aimed at imposing limits on the use of market power, i.e. competition law, are insufficient to address this risk and why a broader debate in public law is necessary in this respect. Continue reading >>

Tomasz Tadeusz Koncewicz

The Great Yes or the Great No

As we gear up for the most consequential elections in Poland since 1989, the situation on the ground after 8 years of the paranoid polarizing and no-holds-barred politics, forces all those concerned about the future, to ask where Poland is heading. On 14 October 2023, we must understand that POLEXIT is much more than a mere dispute over institutions, rule of law, judicial independence, etc. What is at stake now is incomparably greater. It is the defense of a certain way of life, values and belonging to a community of law and values, a civic Poland in Europe and Europe in civic Poland and finally of “Me and You” as part of Europe. Continue reading >>

Gertrude Lübbe-Wolff

Wehrhafte Demokratie

Die Rede von der „wehrhaften Demokratie“ bezog sich ursprünglich auf die militärische Wehrhaftigkeit nach außen. Das änderte sich mit Karl Loewensteins Überlegungen zur „Militant Democracy“ (1937)“, in denen es um die notwendige Wehrhaftigkeit der Demokratie nach innen ging, gegen den Faschismus, der ihr den Krieg erklärt hatte. In dem seither vorherrschenden innengerichteten Sinn gilt das Prinzip der wehrhaften oder, weniger prägnant, der streitbaren Demokratie heute in Deutschland als Verfassungsprinzip. Inzwischen haben wir in Deutschland eine sich zunehmend radikalisierende der Partei, die „Alternative für Deutschland“, die vom Verfassungsschutz als Verdachtsfall der Verfassungsfeindlichkeit geführt und deren thüringischer Landesverband vom thüringischen Verfassungsschutz als gesichert rechtsextrem eingestuft wird. Continue reading >>

Aden Sorge

Halbwegs raus aus dem Hinterzimmer

Wenn der Deutsche Bundestag heute in erster Lesung über den Entwurf für ein Stiftungsfinanzierungsgesetz (BT-Drs. 20/8726) berät, setzt der Gesetzgeber zum Schlussspurt in einem eigenverschuldeten Wettlauf gegen die Zeit an. Hinter der Ziellinie wartet gewiss (mindestens) eine Klage vor dem Bundesverfassungsgericht, dessen verfassungsrechtliche Kontrolle der Gesetzestext nicht bestehen dürfte. Umso mehr überrascht die Planlosigkeit, mit der die politischen Akteure die vergangenen Monate haben verstreichen lassen. Continue reading >>

Marc Schack

Obstinate Choices

Denmark is currently going through a full-blown intelligence scandal. It includes charges of illegal activity lodged by the Danish Intelligence Oversight Board (TET) against the Danish foreign intelligence service (FE), as well as a range of criminal cases brought against the former head of FE, a former minister of defence, and a former intelligence officer on charges of leaking classified information. In this post, I argue that these scandals can best be understood through the lens of a series of obstinate choices made by the Danish government and its representatives. Seemingly, because key decision-makers lacked trust and got fed up with leaks, the situation was handled aggressively from the start, as a matter of principle. I explain the complex scandal but focus on specifics only in the case against former minister of defence, Claus Hjort Frederiksen, as his case is the most clear-cut and observable for outsiders. Continue reading >>

Maciej Taborowski, Paweł Filipek

The Distorted Body

Ensuring the integrity of elections is a foundational concern for any democratic state. Yet, it faces a grave challenge in Poland, emanating from the Chamber of Extraordinary Control and Public Affairs of the Supreme Court. Created in 2018 following controversial changes to the national judicial system and tasked with reviewing the validity of parliamentary elections, the Chamber fails to meet the essential criteria of an independent court. Confirmed by rulings of the European Court of Human Rights and the Supreme Court itself, the Chamber’s flawed origin and staffing, dependent on political influence and in departure from established rules of law, undermines its capacity to authenticate the fairness and legitimacy of elections. This echoes beyond Poland’s borders as well, since the Chamber’s defective status fails to meet European standards of effective judicial protection, thus raising concerns in the context of European integration. This blog delves into the Chamber’s position, examines its role in validating electoral process and its impact on the democratic legitimacy of Poland’s Parliament. Continue reading >>

Krzysztof Izdebski

Reviving a Corpse

The political co-optation of the Constitutional Tribunal has eliminated its role in Poland’s checks and balances. The judges, although associated with the ruling party, are conflicted and some of them refuse to rule, the number of proceedings has fallen dramatically, and the Tribunal's authority has all but disappeared. It is not enough now to pick it up, shake it off, straighten it out, and put it back to where it was in 2015. Instead, if the opposition wins the election, it must rebuild an institution that is both an effective constitutional player, capable of checking the government and a trustworthy and reliable avenue for Polish citizens to assert their constitutional complaints.  Continue reading >>

Marcin Szwed

To Void or Not To Void

One of the most critical challenges in the process of restoring the rule of law in Poland after the period of ‘Law and Justice’ rule will be regulating the situation in the Constitutional Tribunal. After the unlawful election of three judges by the Sejm in November 2015 and the subsequent recognition of their judicial status by the new President of the Constitutional Tribunal, Julia Przyłębska, the Constitutional Tribunal lost its independence and authority. Instead of defending the Constitution and the rule of law, the Constitutional Tribunal often legitimizes controversial Government actions and openly questions the European standards. Rebuilding the Constitutional Tribunal's authority and restoring its proper functioning will undoubtedly be a challenging task. It must involve at least two actions: firstly, the removal of improperly elected individuals from adjudication and secondly, the regulation of the consequences of their judgments. In the following brief text, I will specifically address the latter issue, based on the report published by the Helsinki Foundation for Human Rights in June 2023. Continue reading >>

Catharina Ziebritzki

A Hidden Success

Following the EU General Court’s dismissal of the complaint of WS and other asylum seekers against Frontex in its ruling on September 6, 2023, scholarly commentary has largely expressed disappointment. However, a more optimistic way of reading the judgement is also possible. By declaring the lawsuit admissible, the court confirmed that factual misconduct by Frontex can be addressed with action for damages claims – and this in itself is a major step forward in the system of fundamental rights protection in the European Union. Continue reading >>

Barbara Grabowska-Moroz, Malgorzata Szuleka

Judicial Transitology

The rule of law crisis in Poland consists of several elements – undermining the independence of courts, politicization of disciplinary proceedings against judges, and lack of legal certainty. None of them, however, raises so many doubts and concerns as the status of judges appointed or promoted upon the request of the politically captured National Council of Judiciary (NCJ). In this blog post, we analyse the diverse composition of the group of judges appointed or promoted upon the motion of the NCJ from 2018. We also discuss the relevant jurisprudence of national and international courts and the current state of debate concerning this problem and possible solutions. Continue reading >>

Maciej Kisilowski

The Election’s Aftermath

Reenergized by the former liberal prime minister and EUCO president Donald Tusk, Poland’s democratic forces are well positioned to deliver a stunning upset on Sunday. If this indeed materializes, we must resist the temptation to think of the critical post-election days and weeks as a regular democratic transfer of power. Instead, what will happen should be understood as an inherently perilous collapse of an authoritarian regime. Several legal and constitutional provisions are capable of being weaponized by the ruling PiS party to thwart the peaceful transfer of power. Continue reading >>