Der Überfluss an verfassungsrechtlichen Sünden der Trump-Administration kaschiert manchmal die Unbegreiflichkeit der einzelnen Tat. Ein Baustein des Angriffs auf den Rechtstaat in seiner Gesamtheit ist der Feldzug der Regierung gegen bestimmte Anwaltskanzleien. Die Vorgänge werfen nicht nur berufsrechtliche Fragestellungen im Hinblick auf die in Deutschland zugelassenen Rechtsanwälte dieser Kanzleien auf – sondern auch nach der Resilienz der Anwaltschaft in Deutschland. Eine sinnvolle Resilienzmaßnahme wäre eine Verankerung der Anwaltschaft im Grundgesetz.

Israel has been experiencing fierce conflicts between the Prime Minister and the government on the one hand and prominent public officials on the other. Two such conflicts have occupied the public discourse in recent weeks: the conflict between the government and both the Attorney General (Gali Barahav-Miara) and the head of the internal security service (Ronen Bar). In both cases, the government's attempt to remove these officials from office has run into legal difficulties, grounded in accusations concerning conflict of interest, which stem from two opposing principles within administrative law.

How can judicial independence be strengthened in a world of increasing political and economic pressures? In this interview, Margaret Satterthwaite explores innovative solutions and challenges facing justice systems in Latin America and beyond.

Am Freitag, den 04.04.2025, ist im Thüringer Landtag einmal mehr die „Wahl der vom Landtag zu berufenden Mitglieder des Richterwahlausschusses“ gescheitert. Ohne den Ausschuss können in Thüringen Richter und Richterinnen auf Probe nicht auf Lebenszeit ernannt werden. Und ohne Lebenszeitrichter und -richterinnen droht der Thüringer Justiz – verschärft durch die anstehende Pensionierungswelle – die Funktionsunfähigkeit. Sollte die AfD-Blockade dauerhaft anhalten, muss ein anderer Weg gefunden werden. Eine verfassungsrechtliche Gratwanderung – denn alle denkbaren Lösungen stehen quer zum Wortlaut des Art. 89 Abs. 2 der Thüringer Verfassung.

The Trump administration has admitted that sending Abrego Garcia to a supermax prison in El Salvador known for human rights abuses was an “administrative error” but contends before the U.S. Supreme Court that there is nothing a federal court can do about that. As I shall explain, the Solicitor General’s argument ultimately rests on the claim that the president who frequently boasts about his abilities as a deal maker is a lousy negotiator.

It was a political bombshell. On Monday, 31 March 2025, Marine Le Pen, leader of the far-right party Rassemblement National (National Rally) in France, was convicted of misappropriation of public funds in the so-called “parliamentary assistants” case. The judgment is marked by an unusual degree of judicial creativity, particularly in its underlying conception of democracy, which may be understood through the lens of militant democracy. Although it does not constitute a political judgment in the traditional, partisan sense, its constitutional and symbolic significance is substantial—and the backlash it has provoked against the judiciary is a cause for concern.

The arrest of the opposition’s presidential frontrunner Ekrem İmamoğlu marks a historic turning point for Turkey. It is emblematic of Turkey’s shift from "competitive authoritarianism" towards "full authoritarianism" or a weak form of fascism, demanding immediate and preventive intervention by the European Court of Human Rights. Most importantly, retrospective assessments of the recent events in Turkey are insufficient at this point. It is crucial to invoke Article 18 and the “chilling effect” doctrine before irreparable political damage occurs.

On March 19, 2025, police arrested Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu on corruption and terrorism charges. Four days later, on March 23, a judge ordered him to prison pending trial. İmamoğlu is not only the mayor of Istanbul, a position he has held by repeatedly defeating Erdoğan-backed candidates, but also widely regarded as the opposition’s most prominent and promising candidate to challenge Erdoğan in a presidential election. That is why the lawfare waged against him, culminating in his pre-trial detention, is broadly viewed as an attempt by the ruling party to eliminate Turkey’s rising opposition and further consolidate its one-party rule.

President Donald Trump’s recent speech to the Department of Justice was meant as a declaration of war against lawyers. His words made clear that the most effective way to consolidate autocracy is by systematically dismantling the independent centers of power that support a healthy democracy, including the independent public prosecutor. As the Executive Orders targeting law firms underscore: the entire legal profession is next. This is no coincidence.

Albania’s Vetting Commission recently concluded its mandate, marking a pivotal moment in the country’s judicial reform effort. Since 2016, Albania has enacted significant constitutional amendments aimed at comprehensive reforms. The results of these reforms are now obvious, with notable improvements in the judiciary’s anti-corruption efforts. However, the process itself and some interim decisions have had a detrimental effect on the efficiency of the judicial system, that is now threatening to undermine the outcome of reforms unless urgent measures are taken.

Crisis rhetoric has become pervasive in the United States and Israel, although much of it is a hyperbolic response to the polarization currently dominating these nations’ politics. What seems clearer to us is that a process is underway in both countries that may very well culminate in a constitutional revolution. Such a development might or might not be deemed crisis-worthy, but it would mean that something profoundly significant had changed in the way the business of governing is conducted in each nation.

Restoring the Polish rule of law without doing more damage to it is a vexing challenge. Building Back Better becomes even more complex when the current president – part of the autocratic Law and Justice (PiS) party, which lost the previous elections – refuses to sign off on any law. Yet few would have expected the Venice Commission (VC), of all institutions, to make things even more complicated. This contribution first tracks the state of play in Poland following the VC Opinions of October 2024 and December 2024. Given the central role of the VC’s thinking in Polish efforts to find a way out, it then goes on to critique the Opinions on legal and strategic grounds before proposing an alternative route.  

The Trump administration is engaged in a battle over the “mode of rule” of the American society. Although the battle is not primarily directed against the courts, judges may quickly get involved. Many see them as a primary defense of the liberal order. Proponents of the attacks on the established order argue that the judges overstep their mandate if they curb the power of the presidency. Elon Musk has even called for impeachment and removal of troublesome judges. Is there anything US judges can learn from the experience of their German colleagues in the 1930’s?

Die politische Situation in den Vereinigten Staaten hat ihren Siedepunkt noch nicht erreicht. Jede Eskalation scheint bloße Etappe, jede Etappe wiederum von flüchtigster Dauer. Die New York Times hat einen Liveticker für den in toto akuten Vorgang namens Trump-Administration eingerichtet, der die Demontage des Staates immer etwas atemlos protokolliert. Entlang einer von langer Hand vorbereiteten Strategie („Project 2025“) lässt sich der konfuse Furor nicht mehr nachvollziehen und auch das liberale Schreckgespenst der frühestens seit Reagan, spätestens seit G. W. Bush im republikanischen Ideenreservoir befindlichen unitary executive theory verspricht keinen spezifischen Erkenntnisgewinn. Die konkrete Lage nötigt andere Beschreibungen ab.

Das Sondierungspapier von CDU/CSU und SPD enthält eine ebenso kurze wie rätselhafte Passage: „Aus dem ‚Amtsermittlungsgrundsatz‘ muss im Asylrecht der ‚Beibringungsgrundsatz‘ werden“. Sollte ein solcher Systemwechsel im Asylrecht tatsächlich umgesetzt werden, hätte dies eine deutliche Schwächung rechtsstaatlicher Verfahrensgrundsätze zur Folge. Die Amtsermittlung ist ein Schlüsselinstrument zur Sicherung der Gesetzmäßigkeit und Gleichmäßigkeit des Verwaltungshandelns. Gerade im Asylrecht ist es entscheidend, dass der Zugang zum Recht nicht von persönlichen Fähigkeiten und Mitteln abhängig gemacht wird.

In the previous Law and Justice administration, the Public Prosecutor’s Office (PPO) had been significantly compromised. Under the Prosecutor General Ziobro, it systemically pursued political and business opponents, quashed dissent, and silenced critical voices. Well over a year has passed since these dark times have officially ended. Poland’s new government has promised to bring justice to the victims and assure accountability for the prosecutors. The Open Dialogue Foundation has analysed the nation-wide audit of the PPO’s cases and concluded – the reality is disappointing.

At the end of 2024, the current Dutch government proposed new legislation in the shape of the “asylum crisis measures legislation” and a “two-status-system legislation”. Through advisory reports by the Council for the Judiciary, the broader public was properly introduced to the government’s plans. The reports strongly urge the government not to pursue these proposals for their potential consequences on the judiciary and implementation of the new EU Asylum Pact. Although some of these individual measures may be legal, a holistic approach shows that it is the sum of these parts that finds itself at odds with EU law, balancing on the edge of loyalty and legality.

Last week, Italy’s judiciary went on strike. While clashes between judges and politicians are nothing new in Italy, this latest reform raises concerns that go beyond routine legal disputes. Though not a radical overhaul, the changes could significantly impact judicial independence and the separation of powers.

On 22 February, several thousand marched in Budapest for an independent judiciary, including fair pay for judges. Three days later, the CJEU issued a decision in Joined Cases C‑146/23 and C‑374/23, setting out the EU law criteria for judges’ remuneration. The decision sets general minimum criteria for the remuneration of judges to guarantee their independence and is highly relevant for Hungary, where the salary pathway for judges is not set by law, it is not judicially enforceable, and the entire system lacks foreseeability.

The European Union is about to finalise a package of sectoral treaties with Switzerland. Its goal is to institutionalise five existing treaties and to conclude three new ones. At the core of these agreements lies the dispute settlement mechanism, modelled after the EU’s agreements with the post-Soviet states of Armenia, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine. This mechanism would grant the European Commission the unilateral right to bring Switzerland before an ‘arbitration tribunal’.

In the latest chapter of the EU rule of law saga, the General Court dismissed an annulment action lodged by an association of Romanian prosecutors, which challenged the termination of the Cooperation and Verification Mechanism in 2023, due to lack of direct concern. We argue that a too-narrow view of the issue does not reflect the rule of law situation in the country, including open non-compliance with the CJEU’s own rulings, and leads to several undesired consequences.

Der designierte Bundeskanzler Friedrich Merz hat laut Medienberichten in einem Telefongespräch am Wahlabend gegenüber dem israelischen Premierminister Netanjahu eine Einladung nach Deutschland in Aussicht gestellt. Für den Fall eines Deutschlandbesuchs, so Merz auf einer Pressekonferenz nach der Wahl, habe er Netanjahu „Mittel und Wege“ zugesagt, dass „er Deutschland besuchen kann und auch wieder verlassen kann, ohne dass er in Deutschland festgenommen worden ist.“ Sollte diese Einladung tatsächlich erfolgen, so würde die neue Bundesregierung damit jedoch in einen Konflikt mit dem Internationalen Strafgerichtshof (IStGH) geraten und außerdem einen innerstaatlichen Gewaltenteilungskonflikt hervorrufen.

In 2024, Pakistan’s parliament passed a constitutional amendment carrying out the most significant restructuring of Pakistan’s superior judiciary in its recent history. This judicial overhaul needs to be analyzed as part of a process of regime realignment. By regime realignment, I mean a ruling authoritarian elite radically altering its supportive political structure and popular bases to expand and extend its hold on power. Based on news sources and conversations with senior lawyers and judges, I will show that this plan for judicial overhaul developed iteratively through a process of intra- and inter-institutional dialogue and conflict that took place during regime realignment.

In seinem denkwürdigen Beschluss vom 29. Januar 2025 hat der Deutsche Bundestag mit knapper Mehrheit u.a. beschlossen, dass Personen, die vollziehbar ausreisepflichtig sind, nicht mehr auf freien Fuß sein dürfen, sondern unmittelbar in Haft genommen werden müssen. Ganz abgesehen davon, dass alle in Deutschland vorhandenen Haftplätze, auch in den regulären Strafvollzugsanstalten, nicht ausreichen, um alle vollziehbar Ausreisepflichtigen aufzunehmen, stellt sich die Frage, ob diese Forderung mit höherrangigem Recht vereinbar ist. Dies betrifft zunächst die Rückführungsrichtlinie der EU und dann aber natürlich auch die Grundrechte. Um die Antwort vorwegzunehmen: eindeutig nein!

Die aktuelle Debatte um die Unterbringung von trans* Personen in Justizvollzugsanstalten ist maßgeblich darauf zurückzuführen, dass die Länder in diesem Bereich keine Gesetze erlassen haben. Eine differenzierte gesetzliche Regelung der Unterbringung im Strafvollzug ist jedoch verfassungsrechtlich geboten, vor allem wegen des Grundrechts auf geschlechtliche Selbstbestimmung und des Rechtsstaatsprinzips. Eine solche Regelung würde darüber hinaus Unsicherheiten mindern – bei Betroffenen, vollziehenden Organen und in der Gesellschaft.

2024 was full of landmark decisions, and the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka ended the year with another one for the history books. In Pathirathne v Abeywardena and others, the court dealt with the controversial issue of the constitutional council’s refusal to approve the president’s nomination of a judge to the Supreme Court. This was the first case seeking review of a decision of the constitutional council. I argue that the decision is significant because the court affirms the council’s role in securing judicial independence, overrules (by implication) previous remarks on the council’s purpose, and strengthens the culture of inter-branch accountability.

Hungary has faced significant challenges to judicial independence in recent years. The incumbent Chief Justice appears to have been working for some time to take control over disciplinary proceedings. In a recent development, the sweeping outrage of judges against planned structural reforms may have created the political opportunity to further silence dissenting voices. The Chief Justice’s New Year Greetings made it clear that the threat is real. Hungary could be on the verge of a full-scale judicial capture.