The platform-media relationship in the European Media Freedom Act
The European Media Freedom Act proposal takes aim at very large online platforms’ gatekeeping power over access to media content and aims to reshape the relationship between media and platforms. By providing media organisations a special position on platforms, however, the EMFA risks changing the media’s role and relationships with other actors in ways that run counter to its overall objective to secure media freedom.
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The Transfer of Ownership in the ‘Patagonia Case’
September 15th 2022 was a big day for the climate movement. The owner of Patagonia – a large multinational corporation producing wearables – transferred 98% of his shares (worth 3 billion dollars) to the newly established Holdfast Collective, a foundation aimed at fighting climate change. Are we at the dawn of a new type of capitalism, where profit is made to work for nature rather than against it?
Continue reading >>The Commission’s missed opportunity to reclaim competition law for the Rechtsstaat
On 30 November 2022, the European Commission took two important decisions to protect the EU budget against possible breaches of the rule of law in Hungary. First, the Commission concluded that the conditions for applying the Conditionality mechanism in Hungary remain and Hungary needs to take further and more credible action to eliminate the remaining risks for the EU budget. Second, the Commission has assessed Hungary’s Recovery and Resilience Plan and froze the disbursement of the RRF until the full and effective implementation of 27 ”super milestones” has taken place. Unfortunately, with these measures, missed opportunity to reclaim the importance of competition law in the Rechtsstaat.
Continue reading >>Teaching Law in Times of Overlapping Crises
For decades, we – legal scholars and teachers – have helped weaken the law by presenting it as ‘lagging behind’, as a feeble and inept tool of government, transferring thus much of its normative power into the hands of the most powerful market actors. We can, and have to, change this.
Continue reading >>A Regulator Caught Between Conflicting Policy Objectives
The Digital Services Act has landed on an increased centralization of its enforcement powers in the hands of the European Commission. The rationale behind this centralized enforcement is understandable, particularly in light of the experience with GDPR enforcement. At the same time, it raises crucial questions about the future recurrence of such centralizaion in the Commission's hands, and the separation of powers more broadly.
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The DSA has been published – now the difficult bit begins
The Digital Services Act (DSA) has finally been published in the Official Journal of the European Union on 27 October 2022. This publication marks the end of a years-long drafting and negotiation process, and opens a new chapter: that of its enforcement, practicable access to justice, and potential to set global precedents.
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Why EU Countries Should Open Their Borders to Russian Draft-Evaders
In a significant escalation of his war in Ukraine, Russia’s President Putin announced a partial mobilisation on the 21st of September. Attempting to avoid the draft, thousands of Russian men are reported to be fleeing the country. Are EU countries obliged to grant asylum to Russians who are (pre-emptively) evading Putin’s draft?
Continue reading >>The “Year of Historical Memory” and Mnemonic Constitutionalism in Belarus
On 1st of September 2022, the academic year in all Belarusian schools started with an atypical lesson, on “historic memory” – led in Minsk by none other than the country’s “President” himself, Aliaksandr Łukašenka. There is a constitutional dimension to historical memory in Belarus, which is better grasped through the looking glass of mnemonic constitutionalism.
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Dobbs in the EU
EU leaders and institutions have reacted strongly to the US Supreme Court’s ruling in Dobbs, which overturned Roe v. Wade and held that the right to abortion was not consitutionally protected. Shortly after the decision was made public, the European Parliament adopted a resolution condemning Dobbs, and calling for the right to abortion to be included in the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union.
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The EU’s regulatory push against disinformation
Tech billionaire Elon Musk’s surprise bid to buy Twitter questions the wisdom of the current EU efforts to combat the spread of disinformation, which has relied to a large extend on platforms’ voluntary cooperation. Whether successful or not, it raises serious questions on EU disinformation policy’s reliance on platforms’ discretion to moderate this category of speech. It is likely to put pressure on the carefully constructed web of self- and co-regulatory measures and legislation the European Commission has spun to counter the spread of disinformation.
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Competition and Conditionality
On 5 April 2022, just two days after the Hungarian national elections, the European Commission formally announced that it would apply the conditionality mechanism enshrined in Regulation 2020/2092 in relation to Hungary. In the past the Commission has frequently addressed issues related to “systemic irregularities, deficiencies and weaknesses in public procurement procedures”. In Hungary, however, it has not probed the enforcement of competition (cartel) law in public tender procedures. The Commission should seize the opportunity to act in this area.
Continue reading >>Between Filters and Fundamental Rights
On 26 April 2022 the CJEU delivered its much-awaited judgement in Case C-401/19 – Poland v. Parliament and Council. The case concerns the validity of Article 17 of the Copyright in the Digital Single Market Directive in light of fundamental rights. The judgment marks the climax of a turbulent journey in the area of copyright law, with potential implications for the future of platform regulation and content moderation in EU law.
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Schengen Restored
On 26 April 2022, the Court of Justice of the EU rendered a ruling in joined cases C-368/20 and C-369/20 stating that Member States of the European Union can re-introduce border controls within the Schengen Zone only under strict conditions. The Court has stepped up as a guardian of the Treaties protecting free movement of people without controls at the internal borders of the EU. At the same time, it has left room for the European and national executives to exercise their function and fill in the blanks.
Continue reading >>Algorithm Centrism in the DSA’s Regulation of Recommender Systems
The regulation of recommender systems is often framed as an issue of algorithmic governance. In this post I want to argue that this focus on recommender algorithms can be restrictive, and to show how one can go about regulating recommender systems in a broader sense. This systemic view pays closer attention to recommendation outputs (i.e. recommendations) and inputs (i.e. user behavior), and not just processing logics.
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Mutual (Dis)trust
Last week, the General Court of the European Union, in its judgment T-791/19 Sped-Pro, recognized for the first time the impact that systematic rule of law deficiencies have on national competition authorities. The judgement is seminal, in that it openly questions the ability of national authorities impacted by rule of law backsliding to effectively enforce EU law. The judgement also goes to the heart of explaining the pivotal constitutional role played by competition law within the EU legal order.
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The Racialized Borders of the Netherlands
The principal function of borders in immigration law is to distinguish between persons and goods which are permitted to enter a territory and those which are not. I call this the filtering function of the border. In this short contribution, I enquire into how this filtering function of the border operates in the context of border controls in the Netherlands. More specifically, I argue that the way border controls are performed in the Netherlands structurally produces racialized subjects.
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Postcolonial Migration and Citizenship in the Netherlands
Can formerly colonized subjects and their descendants be full and equal citizens of the former metropoles – and if so, what would that look like? In this blogpost, we explore these politics of belonging in European postcolonial polities by looking at different conceptualizations of the relationship between the Dutch state and Surinamese-Dutch citizens and immigrants. While Dutch government discourses tend to represent Surinamese-Dutch as too different to belong to the Dutch Nation, Surinamese-Dutch organisations claimed postcolonial citizenship as different and equal.
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Essential, and yet on the Margins
On 7 December 2021, the coalition parties of the recently inaugurated German government signed the Coalition Agreement. While the Agreement’s proposals regarding work and industrial relations have already been praised and criticised by unions and researchers, this post will address the Government’s plans with respect to seasonal (migrant) workers in agriculture, a topic that experienced increased public exposure since the onset of the pandemic. I argue that if the new Government intends to take the ‘essential worker’ label of seasonal migrant farmworkers seriously, it needs to go beyond the relatively modest ambitions expressed in the Agreement.
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The ECB Cannot Ignore its Secondary Mandate
The EU Treaties oblige the European Central Bank to support the broader economic policies in the EU. Yet, the ECB has long ignored this part of its mandate. In the recently concluded monetary policy strategy review it only gets a brief mention. As we argue in a new report, this neglect of the ECB’s secondary mandate is illegal and should end as soon as possible.
Continue reading >>From Charity to Justice in the Pandemic
Waiving intellectual property rights is not a panacea in the current pandemic, but it may remove obstacles and, importantly, would send the right message. Germany should therefore change its position and support a decision in the World Trade Organization (WTO) to that effect. Donations are good and necessary in the short-term, but they must not be mistaken for acts justice in international relations.
Continue reading >>The Writing is on the Wall
On 6 October 2021, Advocate General (AG) Saugmandsgaard Øe published his Opinion in the joined cases C-368/20 NW v Landespolizeidirektion Steiermark and C-369/20 NW v Bezirkshauptmannschaft Leibnitz. Six Schengen countries (Germany, France, Austria, Denmark, Norway and Sweden) have reintroduced border controls over the past years. If the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) were to follow the AG’s Opinion, they would need to seriously rethink their practices in this regard. New evidence-based procedures and serious reasons, capable of passing a proportionality test, would be necessary to introduce border controls within the Schengen Zone.
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The Long Road Home
On 29 September 2021 the General Court (GC) issued two important judgments annulling the Council decisions on the conclusion of the EU-Morocco Sustainable Fisheries Partnership Agreement and on the amendment of Protocols 1 and 4 to the EU-Morocco Association Agreement. These judgments are the latest instalment in the continuing Western Sahara saga before the CJEU and they are of seminal importance both in assessing the Court’s approach to international law in its practice, and, more fundamentally, in assessing the EU’s commitment to the strict observance of international law in its relations with the wider world.
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Platform research access in Article 31 of the Digital Services Act
Over the past year, dominant platforms such as Facebook have repeatedly interfered with independent research projects, prompting calls for reform. Platforms are shaping up as gatekeepers not only of online content and commerce, but of research into these phenomena. As self-regulation flounders, researchers are hopeful for Article 31 of the proposed Digital Services Act, on “Data Access and Scrutiny” - a highly ambitious tool to compel access to certain data, but researchers also need a shield to protect them against interference with their independent projects.
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Using Terms and Conditions to apply Fundamental Rights to Content Moderation
Under EU law, platforms presently have no obligation to incorporate fundamental rights into their terms and conditions. The Digital Services Act seeks to change this in its draft Article 12, however, there has been severe criticism on its meagre protection. As it stands and until courts intervene, the provision is too vague and ambiguous to effectively support the application of fundamental rights.
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The DSA Proposal’s Impact on Digital Dominance
One of the most pressing questions in the ongoing debates about the Digital Services Act (DSA) proposal is the question of entrenching dominance. While the DSA aims at providing a harmonized regulatory framework for addressing online harms, there is a risk that imposing accountability at the threat of fines might increase the power of already dominant intermediaries. This problem is particularly evident for content moderation, where over the last decades a handful of services have consolidated their position as the primary arbiters of speech and online activity.
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Warum schutzbedürftige Afghaninnen einen Rechtsanspruch auf ein Einreisevisum gegenüber Deutschland haben
Der Konflikt in Afghanistan zeigt, vielleicht sogar deutlicher als andere Konflikte, wie eng die Ausübung souveräner Kompetenzen Deutschlands mit den Leben der afghanischen Bevölkerung verflochten ist. Der Bundeswehreinsatz Deutschlands in Afghanistan stellt die Ausübung souveräner Kernkompetenzen dar: die Durchsetzung außenpolitischer Sicherheitsinteressen. Die Verflechtung konkreter außenpolitischer Sicherheitsinteressen Deutschlands mit den Leben der Bevölkerung in Afghanistan offenbart sich auf mehreren Ebenen.
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The Guardian is Absent
What limits does European Union (EU) law impose on Member States invoking national security to temporarily re-introduce border controls within the Schengen Area? This question will be answered soon by the European court of Justice (ECJ) in the joined cases C-368/20 NW v Landespolizeidirektion Steiermark and C-369/20 NW v Bezirkshauptmannschaft Leibnitz.
Continue reading >>The Courts Strike Back
The Shell case, decided by the Hague District Court on 26 May 2021, is part of a growing body of climate cases. What the Shell case does is that it liberates the political-decision maker from the suffocating grip of investor state dispute settlement mechanisms, in particular the mechanism under the Energy Charter Treaty.
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